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An exploration of the Byzantine Empire (330-1461), both through historical posts and by means of historically-informed role-play.

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    Fall of Trebizond: Sources Part 1
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    Author: * Basileos Nestor - 10 Posts on this thread out of 189 Posts sitewide.
    Date: Apr 7, 2008 - 15:57

    1. George Amiroutzes to Bessarion on the Fall of Trebizond
    ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ Ο ΑΜΙΡΟΥΤΖΗΣ
    ΒΗΣΣΑΡΙΩΝΙ

    Αἰδεσιμώτατε καὶ σεβασιμώτατε ἐν Χριστῷ πάτερ καὶ δέσποτα, εἰης μοι ὑγαίνων καὶ εὖ ἔχων ἐν ἅπασιν.

    Ἅ πάλαι προύλεγον καὶ διεμαρτυρόμην πρός τοὺς ἡμετέρους πολίτας, ἔγραφον δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὴν σὴν κυριότητα, δεόμενος ἕνα γοῦν μοι τῶν παίδων δεξάμενον διασῶσαι, γέγονε καὶ πέρας ἔχει. Καίτοι δεινὰ μὲν ἀγγέλλων οἶδα καὶ οἷα οὐκ ἄν ἀδακρυτὶ παρέλθοις· ἀλλὰ μικράν σοι καταθείμην χάριν, τὰς κοινὰς ἀποκρυψάμενος συμφοράς. Τίς γὰρ ὄνησις ἀγνοία συνεῖναι τῶν οικεῖων κακῶν; ἅμα δὲ καὶ μάτην ἄν εἴην αὐτὸς σιωπῶν ἅ πανταχοῦ νῦν, οἶμαι, διεβόησε καὶ διετραγῴδησεν ἡ φήμη.

    Ἴσθι τοίνυν τὴν κοινὴν πατρίδα φεῦ! ὑπ’ ἀλλοφυλων ἑαλωκυῖαν καὶ εἰς πεῖραν ἀφιγμένην τῶν δεινοτάτων. Καίτοι ἐξ ὁμολογίας ἥλω· ἀλλ’ οὐδὲν ὤνατο τῶν ξυμβάσεων ἐφ’ αἷς προυδόθη· πέπονθε δὲ παραπλήσια τοῖς πολέμῳ κατὰ κράτος ἑαλωκόσι.

    Τὸ μὲν οὖν κεφάλαιον τῶν κακῶν εἴρηται, ἐφ’ ᾧ πολλὰς μὲν ἡμέρας, πολλὰς δὲ νύκτας, οἶμαι, πενθήσεις, συμπαθὴς τε ὤν ἄλλως τε καὶ πρὸς Ἕλληνας, καὶ τὴν πατρίδα φιλῶν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα· δεῖ δὲ καὶ ὅπως πέπρακται διὰ βραχέων προσθεῖναι, ὡς ἄν τοῦτο γοῦν τὸ μέρος μὴ ἀθυμήσῃς. Τὸ γὰρ δεινὸν, ὅπως γέγονεν ἀνγνοούμενον, μᾶλλον εἴωθεν ἀνιᾶν.

    Ὁ γὰρ τοίνυν μέγα δυνάμενος καὶ πλείστων καὶ μεγίστων ἐθνῶν ἄρχων, Ἑλλήνων τε καὶ Ῥωμαῖων ἤδη βασιλεὺς, ἐγκαλεῖν μὲν ἵσως ἔχων οὐδὲν, ἔρωτι δὲ δόξης καὶ καὶ μείζονος ἀρχῆς ἐπιθυμίᾳ, στόλον μέγαν, οὐ πλῆθει τριήρεων τοσοῦτον (ἦσαν γὰρ οὐ πολλῷ τῶν ἑκατὸν πλείους) ὅσον παρασκευῇ παντοία καὶ μηχαναῖς ἐξαρτύσας, κατὰ σινώπης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Παφλαγόνων ἀπέστειλεν· αὐτὸς τε πεζὴν ἄγων στρατιὰν ὑπὲρ τὰς πέντε καὶ δέκα μυριάδας, οὐδένος ἔτι λόγον ποιούμενος, εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διέβη. Οὕτω δὲ παραβόλως εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν ἐμβάλων, πάντων παρὰ δόξαν εὐθὺς ἐκράτησεν. Οὔτε γὰρ εἰς ὅπλας, οὔτε εἰς τρίβην ἔτι καὶ χρόνον εἷδον οἱ Παφλαγόνες· ἀλλ’, ὡς οὐδαμόθεν ἔτι χρηστὸν ἐλπίζοντες, καὶ τὴν τύχην αὐτὴν, ἥ πολλοὺς πολλάκις μεγάλων ἐξείλετο κινδύνω, ὑπερεῖδον. Τὰς τε οὖν πόλεις καὶ τὰ φρούρια μετὰ τοῦ σφῶν ἡγεμόνου παραδόντες, δεσπότην εὐθὺς αὐτῶν ἐποιήσαντο. Οὔτω δὲ παρ’ ἐλπίδα τῶν πραγμάτων κεχωρηκότων, μεῖζὸν τι συν λόγῳ φρονήσας, τὸν μὲν στόλον ὡς εἶχεν εὐθὺς ἀκραιφνῆ καὶ κακῶν ὅλως ἀπείρατον καθ’ ἡμῶν ἀπέστειλεν· αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τῶν Καππαδοκῶν καὶ Μεσοποταμίας ἄρχοντος ἔγνω πορεύεσθαι.

    Ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀκούων ἠπίστει, καὶ κόμπον ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι μόνον· ἐπίστευσε γὰρ οὐδεῖς, ἡμῶν γε ζώντων, τοσοῦτον τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν ἀποστῆναι. Ὡς δ’ἔγνω ἀληθὲς ὄν καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐμβεβληκότας εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ πύθοιτο, κατεπλάγη, καὶ οὐκ ἔτι τῶν γενναίων ἦν λογισμῶν, ἄλλως τε και ἐπιβουλῆς ὑπονοουμένης ὑπ’ ἀδελφοῦ· ἀλλὰ ὄκνος αὐτὸν εἶχε καὶ ἀνάδυσις, καὶ οὐκ ἐθάῤῥει τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων κύβον ἀναῤῥίψαι. Ταχὺ γοῦν τὴν χῶραν ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν ἀποδεῖξας δι’ ἧς ἔμελλον οἱ πολέμιοι διέλθειν, αὐτὸς ἀεὶ μίκρον ὐπεχώρει καἰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐξίστατο. Οὐ μὴν οὐδ’ οὗτος αὐτῷ διώκων ἐπέκειτο· ἀλλὰ ἠγάπα, τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὑπεξανισταμένων, ἀδήριτον λαμβάνων τὴν νίκην.

    Οὗτος μὲν οὖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκδεδιξαμένος, ἐπειδὴ παρὰ τοῖς ὁρίοις ἐγένετο καὶ τῶν παρόδων ἐκράτησε, πάντα τὰ ἄλλα ἀφεὶς, ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς ἐχώρει· ὁ δὲ στόλος πρότερον αἰφνίδον εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν φάνεις πολλὴν ἔκπληξιν παρεῖχε καὶ θόρυβον. Δοκῶν γὰρ ἡμῖν ἄν οὐκ ἐπελθεῖν διὰ τε τοὺς ὅρκους οἴ ἔναγχος ἐγένοντο καὶ τὸ μηδὲν τῶν ὁμολογηθέντων ἐλλελοιπέναι, τριβήν τε ἅμα καὶ χρόνον ἐλπίδος οὔσης, πολιορκουμένης Σινώπης, οὐκ ὁλίγον γενέσθαι, ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπλέων τῇ πόλει ἐφαίνετο. Οὔτε οὖν οὕς εἴχομεν στρατιώτας συναγαγεῖν οἷοί τε ἦμεν ἔτι, οὔτε τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν εἰσκομίσασθαι, μόνην δὲ τὴν πόλιν ὑπ’ ἀνάγκης φυλάττειν. Οὔτω δὴ καθ’ ἡσχυσίαν ἀποβάντες οἱ πολέμιοι, μυρίων ὄντες οὐκ ἐλάττους, ἄριστα εξηρτυμένοι, μέχρι μὲν τινος ἐδῄουν τὰ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, τὸν τε σῖτον φθείροντες καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐμπιπρῶντες, ἔπειτα ἡμᾶς εἰς τὰ τείχη κατακλείσαντες ἐπολιόρκουν.

    Ἡμέρας μὲν οὖν περὶ μ΄ ὁ πόλεμος ἦν ἐν αἷς ἐδόκουμεν ἀεὶ κρατεῖν καὶ πλεῖστα βλάπτειν τοὺς πολεμίους. Οἵ τε γὰρ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν καταθέοντες ἑκάστοτε και συμπλεκόμενοι πολλοὺς ἀνῄρουν, αὐτοὶ τε ἐπεξιόντες τὰ χείριστα διετίθεμεν ἐλπίς τε ἀγαθὴ τὰς ψύχας ἔτρεφεν καὶ ὡς πάντα διεφθεροῦμεν τὸν στόλον. Κἄν ἐξειργασάμεθα τὸ ἔργον, εὐ ἴσθι, εἰ μὴ ὤφθη ὁ κατ’ ἤπειρον ἅπας στράτος μετὰ τοῦ σφῶν ἄρχοντος ἄνωθεν ἐπελθὼν. Τοῦτο γὰρ ἐκείνους μὲν ἐγγυτάτω τοῦ διαφθαρῆναι ἐλθόντας καὶ νυκτὸς δρασμὸν διανοουμένους ἔσωσεν, ἡμᾶς δὲ τελείως ἀπόλωσεν. Οὐ γὰρ ἐχώρησε τὸν στρατὸν οὔτε πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πεδία, οὔτε αἱ ἑκάτερα φάραγγες· ἀλλὰ καὶ βουνοὶ ὁρώμενοι καὶ γήλοφοι οὐκ ἤρκεσαν στρατοπεδεύσασθαι.

    Εὐθὺς οὖν ἐνεργὸς ἦν, καὶ τὰς μεγίστας τῶν ἐλεπόλεων, ὧν μείζους οὔπω εἶδεν ἥλιος, στήσας, ἔχρητο κατὰ τῆς πόλεως. Ἡ δὲ ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ εὐθὺς ἦν, καὶ ἡ χρηστοτέρα αὐτὴν καθάπαξ ἐλπὶς ἀπελέλοιπε. Τὰ τε γὰρ ἐπιτήδεια ἔσπανιζεν ἤδη, καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καθάπαξ ἐπέλιπε· πρᾶγμα ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς αἰῶνος μηδέπω γεγενημένον· ὅ τε δῆμος οὐκ ἤθελεν ἔτι εἰς προῦπτον κίνδυνον ἐμβαλεῖν, αλλ’ ἐς ξυμβάσεις ἑώρα. Οὐδὲν ἔτι ἐδόκει ἐκ τῶν παρόντων οἶόν τε εἶναι τὸν πόλεμον διενεγκεῖν· ἀλλὰ δῆλον ἦν ἤδη κατὰ κράτος ἁλώσασθαι. Οὔτω δὴ βουλομένοις τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐδόκει ὁμολογία προσχωρεῖν, ὡς μὴ αἰχμάλωτοι γῆν πάσαν καὶ θάλατταν προσαιτοῦντας ἐπελθεῖν.

    Οὔτω τοίνυν τῶν ὁμολογιῶν πεπραμένων, τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἑαυτοὺς παρέδωκαν· καὶ ἡ ἐλευθερωτάτη τῶν πόλεων, πολλοὺς μὲν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας τὸν πρόσθεν χρόνον λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισαμένη, ἐς μέγα δὲ ἀξίωμα καὶ κλέος ἐλθοῦσα, ὑπ’ ἀλλοφύλοις φεῦ! ἐγένετο· καὶ νῦν τὴν ἄτιμον ὑπομένει δουλείαν, πένθος μέγα οὐ μόνον τοῖς ὁμοδόξοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ βαρβάροις.

    Ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἐκράτησαν καὶ ὥσπερ ἐν μίᾳ σαγήνῃ τοὺς Κομνηνοὺς ἔσχον ὑποχειρίους, παίδας τε εὐθὺς καὶ κόρας ἐλάμβανον, ἀνδροποδιζόμενοι σχεδὸν ἄπαντας ὅσοις ὥρας τι προσῆν. Ἐν οἷς καὶ τὸν ἐμὸν φεῦ! υἱὸν, ὅν αὐτὸς διὰ τῆς μητρὸς ἐκ τοῦ θείου λούτρου λαβὼν υἱὸν ἐποιήσω, τὸν καλὸν Βασίλειον· ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὸν τῆς θυγατρὸς νυμφίον, ὅτι νέος τε ἤν καὶ καλὸς ἐδόκει, ἐλάχιστον χρόνον ἀπολελευκότα τοῦ γάμου. Τὸν δὲ βασιλέα σύν πάσῃ τῆ συγγενείᾳ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει σχεδὸν ἅπαντας εἰς τὰς τριήρεις ἐμβαλόντες, εἱς τὴς Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἤγαγον· ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὰ Αδριάνου ἀγαγόντες κατῴκισαν.

    Καὶ νῦν εἰμὶ ἐνταῦθα, κορυφῆς ἀτεχνῶς ὑπερτέλλοντα δειμαίνων πέτρον. Καὶ τοι πολλάκις παρὰ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἠφείδησα ἐμαυτοῦ ὥστε θάνειν· ἀλλ’ οὔπω ἐγένετο τούτου τύχειν, τῆς Προνοίας, οἶμαι, ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον φυλαττούσης, ὅπως, ἐπὶ πολὺν τιμωρηθεὶς χρόνον, ἔπειτα ἀποθάνω. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα φέρειν οἷος τε εἰμὶ, πενίαν φημὶ καὶ τὴν ἐν ἀλλοδαπῇ ἀνελεύθερον διατριβὴν· ἡ δὲ τοῦ παῖδος στέρησις ἐμπιπρᾷ μου τὰ σπλάγχανα. Πρὸς γὰρ τοῖς ἄλλοις αἰκιζόμενον αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάντων κρατοῦντος καὶ μαστιζόμενον ἑκάστοτε μανθάνων, ἔκφρων γίνομαι· αἴτιον δὲ, ὅτι φρονήματος ἐπειλημμέος οὐμος παῖς, ὤν τε ἄλλως φύσει περὶ ἀρετὴν θερμὸς, τὴν πάτριον οὐ προδίδωσι δόξαν. Καὶ τὴν μὲν οὖν ἀρχὴν# λόγοις αὐτὸν ἐπεχείρει πείθειν καὶ δώροις ὁ κρατῶν· ὡς δὲ ἦν τούτοις ἀνάλωτος, ἐπὶ τὰς βασάνους ἐτράπετο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντα ποιήσας οὐδὲν ἴσχυσε, τὴν μὲν ἀρετὴν ἐθαύμαζε τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ μετὰ φρονήματος ἔνστασιν· οὐ μὴν ᾗ προσῆκεν ἐλεύθερον αὐτὸν ἐποίησεν#· ἀλλ’ ἀπογνοὺς τὴν μεταβολὴν, ἀποδοσθαι ἔγνωκε· τοσαύτης αὐτὸν φιλανθρωπίας ἠξίωσε. Πλείστου δὲ αὐτὸν ὅμως ἀποδίδοται, καὶ ὅσον αὐτοὶ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἱκάνοι ἐσόμεθα λυτρώσασθαι.

    Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἡμέτερα ἐν τούτοις καὶ πολλῷ χείροσιν ἔτι· δεῖσθαι δὲ σοῦ βουλομένοι χεῖρα ὁρέξαι, οὐ πολλῶν ἡγοῦμαι δεήσεσθαι# λόγων. Ὁ γὰρ πολλοῖς τῶν ἀθλίων Ῥωμαίων τὴν αἰχμαλωσίαν λυσάμενος, οὐ δὴ που πολίτην ἕνα δεόμενον περιόψει. Καί τοι τὸν πρόσθεν χρόνον εὐλαβὴς ἦν αἰτείν τι παρὰ τῆς σῆς κυριότητος· ἀλλα νῦν οὐκ ἄν αἰσχυνοίμην τὸ πράγμα. Δέομαι τοίνυν τῆς σῆς κυριότητος, αιδεσιμώτατε δέσποτα, μεμνημένον τῆς πολλῆς ἡμῶν πρὸς ἀεὶ πρὸς σὲ εὐνοίας καὶ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπὶ σοὶ καὶ μεγάλων ἐλπίδων, ὧν ἔχοντες ἡδέως διεβεβαιώσαμεν τὸν μέχρι τῆς ἁλώσεως χρόνον, ὡς οἶδεν ὁ πάντα ἐφόρων ὀφθαλμὸς, ἔτι δὲ τῆς παρὰ σοῦ εἰς ἡμᾶς εὐεργεσίας, ἥν εἴ τις τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀφέλῃ, οὐκ οἶδ’ εἴ τι περιλειφθήσεται, καὶ τῆς παρὰ καθαρᾶς ἐκείνης καὶ εἰλικρινοῦς φιλίας, ἥν οὐ χρόνος, οὐ πραγμάτων μεταβολαὶ, οὐ τοσοῦτον διάστημα ἴσχυσεν ὁπωσοῦν ἀμαυρῶσαι, τὰ προσήκοντα τῇ παρούσῃ τύχῃ βοηθῆσαι, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἡμῖν τὸν Βασίλειον ἐλευθερῶσαι, ὅς, τούτου τύχων, εὐθὺς παρὰ σὲ ἥξει, δοῦλος ἐσόμενος· ἔπειτα καὶ ἡμῖν τινὰ χορηγίαν εἰς τὸ μέλλον πορίσασθαι, ἀφ’ ἧς ἐν τῆ παρούσῃ τύχῃ διαβιώσομεν. Εἰ δὲ μεγάλα ταῦτα καὶ ἀμφότερα οὐ ῥᾴδιον το νῦν ἔχον γενέσται, σύ δὲ τὸν παῖδα λυσάμενος τὰ μέγιστα εὐ ποιήσεις καὶ οὗ μεῖζον ἡμῖν οὐκ ἄν γένοιτο, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν ἄλλην τύχην οὐ χαλεπῶς οἴσομεν, ὁρῶντες τοὺς ἀθλίους Ῥωμαίους, οἵ ἅπαντα πράττουσιν ὅπως τῆς ἐφημέρου τροφῆς εὐπορήσωσιν.

    Ἀλλα σοι ὁ πάντα διέπων Θεὸς μακρὸν μὲν αἰῶνα δοίη, ἐῤῥωμένον δἐ ἡμῖν καὶ εὔθυμον διαφυλάττοι· σὲ γὰρ ἔχοντες καὶ αἰχμαλωσίαν καὶ πενίαν καὶ πᾶσαν τύχην οὐ χαλεπῶς οἴσομεν. Πρὸς Θεοῦ δὲ μὴ ἀπαξιώσῃς ἡμῖν ἀεὶ γράφειν· ὡς ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ σὰ γράμματα μόνα μεγίστην φέρει παραμυθίαν. Ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἡμὶν ἐπιστέλλειν ῥᾴδιον· πολλοὶ γὰρ ἐκ Βενετίας, οἱ δὲ ἐκ Φλωρεντίας εἰς τὴν Κωσταντίνου πόλιν ἀφικνοῦνται· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἀδριανοῦ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸς ἐστίν· ὥστε ἔστι καὶ γράμματα και ἄλλο τι ἀσφαλῶς πέμπειν. Καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς μαθὼν τι παρὰ σοῦ ἥκειν, τάχιστα εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου ἀφίξομαι.

    Ὁ παρὼν ἄνθρωπος ὁ τὰ γράμματα κομίζων ἔστιν ἡμέτερος πολίτης, συγγενὴς καὶ οικεῖος τοῦ Παρασκευᾶ τοῦ τῆς μητρὸς θεράποντος· ἀπώλεσε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς παῖδα καὶ γυναῖκα, ὄν εἰ βοηθείας τῆς δυνατῆς ἀξιώσεις, τῇ μητρὶ καὶ θανούσῃ δόξεις χαρίζεσθαι· καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς δι’ εἰκείνην πρὸς σὲ ἔδραμεν.

    Ἔῤῥωσο

    Ἐν ἀδριανουπόλει, Δεκεμβρίου ιαῃ τῆς ιης ἰνδικτιῶνος.

    Τῆς σῆς αἰδεσιμότητος
    ἐλάχιστος δοῦλος
    Γεώργιος ὁ Ἀμιρούτζης
    GEORGE AMIROUTZES
    TO BESSARION

    Most venerable and most eminent father and lord in Christ, I hope that you are in good health and everything is going well for you.

    What I used to proclaim and protest to our citizens at one time, writing as well to your lordship begging for one of my children to be saved, has happened and come to pass. Furthermore, I bear fearful tidings, the kind which you could not pass over without shedding a tear, though I would curry little favor with you for concealing our misfortunes. What advantage is there to be joined in ignorance of familial evils? At the same time, it would be useless for me to try to keep silent about those things that report had spread and exaggerated everywhere.

    Know that our homeland alas! has fallen under another race and undergone the worst of things. Although it has surrendered, it gained nothing from the terms by which it surrendered and has suffered just like those people taken by storm.

    The crown of the evils which was just said, I know you will spends many days and nights lamenting, sympathizing especially for the Greeks and the homeland that you love so dearly (1). However, first I have to explain in a few words how it happened so that you do not become discouraged with this lot. Since when one does not know how something terrible came about, one can get quite angry

    Without having anything to accuse us of, but because of his lust for glory and a greater dominion, the ruler of a great many races, the emperor of the Greeks and Romans already (2), prepared a great fleet of triremes (there was not more than a hundred of them), fitted them out with all sorts of munitions and machines, and sent them off against Sinope and other Paphlagonian [cities]. He then took command of the land army, which numbered more than one hundred thousand men and crossed to Asia without yet giving out his purpose (3). In this way, he was able to treacherously invade his enemy’s lands and seize everything unexpectedly, since the Paphlagonians had seen neither to arming themselves, nor creating delays. Instead, on no account still hoping for the better, they counted on chance, which had saved them so many times from danger. So it was that the cities and the fortresses surrendered along with their leader (4) and recognized him as their master. And so, because of his hopes from how matters had gone so far, he was minded accordingly to greater things and sent the fleet which was completely untouched and uninjured, off against us while he himself decided to march off against the ruler of Cappadocia and Mesopotamia.

    When he (5) heard the news, he did not believe it and thought it only a rumor. No one could believe that he had been deposed (6), not even our own people. But he soon found out though that it was true when he was informed that he [Mehmed] and his army were invading his lands. He was astounded at this and was not yet acting energetically because he suspected his brother was plotting against him. He hesitated and shirked, not daring to go all or nothing. At any rate, he quickly made the country desolate through which the enemy was going to pass and as always retreated a little and abandoned his camp. This was not because he was being pursued by him (7), but because he loved to take his victories without contest when the enemy had got up and gone.

    Having thus pursued the enemy, he reached our borders and seized the mountain passes and advanced on us putting everything else aside. His fleet had already arrived suddenly providing us with great surprise and consternation It had seemed to us that it would not come because of the oaths which had just recently been made and the improbability of those agreements being broken. Our hope was for a delay, while it was besieging Sinope, and so it would come soon, but then it appeared suddenly after having sailed against the city. We had been able neither to gather our soldiers yet, nor bring in provisions from the fields, but were to defend the city in spite of its need. Because of this, the enemy disembarked at their leisure, numbering not less than myriads of men well armed, and ravaged the [plains] before the city seizing food, burning houses, and then setting siege to us shut up behind our walls within the city.

    The war was about 40 days, in which we seemed able to hold out and greatly hinder our enemies. On each occasion the people from the fields overran and fought them, they killed many of them, and so, since we were doing so well and able to do the worst of things to our enemies, a fresh hope sparked in our hearts that we would completely destroy the fleet. Be assured, we would have finished the job, had not the entire army with its commander appeared from the interior of the country. This caused them, who had come so close to destroying the fleet, to flee in the night, and it destroyed us. For he did not advance with the army to the plains before the city or the ravines on both sides, but instead made the surrounding mountains and hills not sufficient for his encampment.

    He set to work at once by setting up the canons (8), which were greater than anything that had yet been seen (9), and attacking the city. Quite quickly, the city fell into a state of hopelessness and all hope for the better left it all at once. Provisions were already short, and even the water supply failed, something that had not happened in a long time. The people did not want to throw themselves into this manifest peril, but for terms of surrender to be reached. It was evident that we could prolong the war no longer and that the city would be taken by storm. Thus it was that many were resolved to surrender so that we might not be captured and forced to traverse all of the land and sea.

    When the agreements had thus been reached, the city and its own surrendered, and the freest of cities, which fought so brightly for freedom winning honor and glory, fell alas! under another race. Now it submits to dishonorable servitude, a great grief not only to men of the same faith, but also to all the barbarians in Asia.

    Then they took the city and caught all of the Comneni as though in a fisherman’s net, taking both boys and girls and enslaving nearly every one of them who were beautiful. In amongst them was alas! my own son, who you yourself recognized as your son when your mother took him from the holy font (10), my handsome Basil. What’s more, my daughter’s bridegroom, who had enjoyed his marriage for the shortest of times, because he was young and handsome, was taken as well. As for the emperor, he along with all his family and nearly everybody in power (11) were loaded on board the triremes and brought to the city of Constantine, and from there they were lead off again and settled down at Adrianople (12).

    And now I am there quivering in fear at the rock suspended over my head (13). Many times since the siege I have wished myself to die, but this has not yet happened because Providence, I think, has preserved me for the worse, to suffer for long time and then die. I am able to bear things like poverty and an unfree way of life in a distant land, but the deprivation of my child sets my heart aflame. Besides all the rest, he is tormented by master of all and each time I learn that he has been tortured, I become crazed. The cause of it is that my child, who aspires after righteousness and is especially ardent by nature when it involves virtue, will not give up the faith of hid fathers. In the beginning, his master tried to persuade him with words and gifts, but since he was impregnable to these, he was put through torture. When, in spite of this, he could not prevail over him; he was amazed by son’s virtue and sense of righteousness. It was not enough to make him free him, but he decided to give up converting him and ransom him. He though him worthy of this philanthropy. Yet he will only ransom him now for a great sum of money, so much so that we will never be able to ransom him.

    In this respect, we are much worse off, so we wish to beg you to lend a hand and I do not believe I need many reasons why. The release from captivity [of my child] would be for many struggling Romans, something not one citizen would overlook. Before, I was circumspect to ask anything of your lordship, but now I should get no shame from it. I beg therefore that your lordship, most venerable lord, to remember our great affection ever for you and the great many hopes, which we shared together so sweetly until the time of the fall, as all-seeing eye knows (14), and also your beneficence for us, which if someone took it away, I do not know whether it would go away, and also that pure and sincere friendship, which not time, not change, not this distance between us can darken. What you can do to help is this: first free Basil for us, who when this happens will come at once to you and become your servant (15), and then provide us with some form monetary assistance for the future that we can live off of in our present fortune. But if both of these things cannot easily be accomplished right now, you freeing my child would be the greatest thing you could do and which for us there would be no greater. Instead, we would bear our misfortune without any hard feelings, seeing those pitiful Romans who do everything they can to put bread on the table each day.

    But may God who manages all things give you a long life and he watch over your joy and good health for us. We will bear you no hard feelings living in captivity, poverty, and great misfortune. But by God do not deem us unworthy to be written to ever, since only your letters bring us much consolation. Here it is rather easy to send things to us because many people are coming from Venice and Florence to the city of Constantine. From there to the city of Adrian, the road takes three days so long as it is letter and anything else that can be sent securely. And I myself, on learning that something has come from you, will go in all haste to the city of Constantine.

    The man who is carrying [you] this letter is one of our citizens, a relative and friend of Paraskeuas, your mother’s servant. He himself lost his wife and child, who if you deem worthy of a great bit of help, you will be doing your late mother a tribute, since it is for her sake that he has come to you.

    Farewell.
    Adrianople, December 11, indiction 10(16)
    Your Eminence’s Humblest
    Servant

    George Amiroutzes
    1. This is no understatement. Bessarion was even the author of an encomium to Trebizond, which was published first by Lambros S. Βησσαρίωνος ἐγκώμιον εἰς Τραπεζοῦντα. Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων 13. 1916. 145-204.
    2. Mehmed II, the Ottoman Sultan (1451-81)
    3. Mehmed II’s resolve is more colorfully related to us by the Greek historian Doukas who tells us of how Mehmed when asked where he was going by a judge is reported to have replied, “If a hair of my beard knew my secret, I would pluck it out and cast it into the fire."
    4. The ruler of Sinope at this time was Ishmael who gave up Sinope in exchange for the city of Phillopolis in Europe according to Chalkokondyles.
    5. Ouzoun Hassan, the ruler of the clan of the White Sheep, who had also married the daughter of daughter of John IV, the present emperor of Trebizond David Komnenos’s brother.
    6. Ishmael
    7. Mehmed II
    8. τὰς μεγίστας τῶν ἑλεπόλεων
    9. ὧν μείζους οὔπω εἶδεν ἥλιος
    10. Bessarion’s mother stood proxy for him is what the expression means since at the time Bessarion was probably off in Italy or Byzantium.
    11. τοὺς ἐν τέλει σχεδὸν ἅπαντας
    12. The modern Edirne
    13. This is quoted from Euripides’ Orestes 6 line 6 which can be found in English on Perseus.
    14. ὡς οἶδεν ὁ πάντα ἐφορῶν ὀφθαλμὸς meaning God
    15. Amiroutzes’ diction here is powerful. Rather than using the Greek word θεράπων, which implies a servant who is hired and paid, he uses δοῦλος, which besides meaning ‘servant’ can mean ‘slave.’
    16. indiction ten=1461. For a discussion of the year of the letter see Lambros S. Ἡ περὶ τῆς ἁλώσεως Τραπεζοῦντος ἐπιστολὴ τοῦ Αμηρούτζη. Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων 12. 1915. 476-478.


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