General
The main motif of book one is the relationship
between the older, more powerful, king and the younger hero. The
rage engendered by this conflict is a recurrent theme in the entire
work. Alexander was raised in the shadow of his father, the greatest
king which Macedon had ever known. Although young Alexander was
greatly admired, his father's will was law and this must certainly
have exacerbated the usual father son competition. If Alexander
envisioned himself as the new Achilles, surely Philip must have,
however imperfectly, represented Agamemnon to him. This might only
be a young boy's emotional response and not based upon reason,
but it seems that the role of Agamemnon in Alexander's fantasy
could only have been played by Philip. Agamemnon's character in
The Iliad is regal, arbitrary, and unjust to Achilles and these
are the things Alexander must have imagined in Philip at times,
as well. The strong motif of a younger hero in conflict with an
older king must have struck a familiar chord with Alexander.
Bk
1.33 to .60
Achilles manifests his
piety during the plague he indicates that he feels that the war
is cursed and proposes to leave, but first he seeks the advice
of a seer. Alexander never made a major move without consulting
a seer. His absolute belief in the religion of his time and place
is incontestable. The gods are so inextricably woven into the tale
of the Iliad as to become characters in the story and this in no
way would seem strange to Alexander. The Iliad was considered not
to be a work of fiction, but rather to be history. For Alexander
this tale of one of his ancestors was fact. The presence of the
gods in the tale was in no way untoward as the mother of his ancestor,
Achilles was herself the semi divine daughter of Zeus and therefore
Alexander believed himself to be directly descended from the gods.
He believed in himself and he believed implicitly in his gods without
the slightest of doubts.
The Iliad could not help but to reinforce Alexander's
quite conventional religious beliefs. At an early age, he could
not find the idea of apotheosis to be fantastic. It was after all,
a part of history and an accepted fact. This possibility was to
remain important in the motives for his actions until his death.
Bk.1.140
Achilles is often referred to in The Iliad as,
' the swift runner' , the sprint was Alexander's best sport.
Bk.1.168
Agamemnon and Achilles are seen in a struggle
which suggests a relationship common to a father and son competition
seen from the point of view of the son. The king is presented
as being a stern, unreasonable, greedy antagonist, while the
just and moral hero, Achilles, is the protagonist of the piece.
It is impossible to believe that Alexander, given
his life situation, would not empathize with the character of
Achilles and the genesis of this empathy would seem obvious.
The character which Homer has created as Achilles could not have
been a better fit for Alexander.
The analogy between Agamemnon and Philip is,
of course not complete. Where Achilles says, ' never once did
you arm with the troops and do battle.', he breaks any parallel
with Philip. but he shows a value which which Alexander would
hold throughout his life.
Bk.2.420-510
The unusually prominent role of the hero's mother
in this tale of battle must, indeed have struck a personal note
for Alexander. When Agamemnon wrongs Achilles, it is to his strong
divine mother which he turns for redress and it is she, Thetis,
who takes his side at all times. She is ever ready to defend
him against all insult and injury through her favored position
with the gods. This is very like the mysterious queen and priestess,
Olympias.
It is in these passages
that the short and glorious military life of Achilles
begins to be stressed; it shall be a motif throughout the tale
and often reiterated. Achilles has a choice, he can he can give
up his battles, return to Thrace, and live a long and comfortable,
if undistinguished, life. He chooses the brief and glorious life
of a battle hero thereby reinforcing the values which all of
Hellas and Alexander were to hold in the future. Alexander would
have no more trouble with that decision than would his role model,
Achilles; there was never a contest.
In book 2 we see the armies of the Achaeans arming
for battle. Achilles, angry still over the perceived insult of
Agamemnon, retires to his lodge where he remains incommunicado,
a ploy which would be used to great effect, by Alexander on several
occasions. They both use the denial of their presence as a tool
to achieve their purposes and Alexander must first of encountered
this technique in The Iliad.
Bk.2
As the Trojans prepare for battle, we get our
first impression of Paris. Paris is an alternative name for
Alexandros. In many cultures each person's name has an accepted
alternative name; it is not a nickname and it need not be descriptive
like, Platon, nor is it a shortened form of the name. It is simply
an alternative to a first name. Alexander's alternative name
was Paris. He hated it and most of the world came to know this.
No one ever called Alexander Paris, indeed it was considered
unwise to mention the name in his presence. While visiting the
sites of Troy, Alexander was offered a lyre which supposedly
had once belonged to Paris; he refused it. Alexander's impression
of the character of Paris would have been formed by Homer and
it is here that we begin to see why he so hated the name.
Paris was the brother of Hector who called him," Paris,
appalling Paris! Our prince of beauty---Mad for women. You lure
them all to ruin! Would to god you had never been born, died
unwed. That's all I'd ask."
Curiously, in ancient times an excessive love
of women was considered to be effeminate. It was a weakness of
character and Alexander spent his life building a character so
beyond question as to appear more than human. His most vicious
detractors would never call him effeminate. This Hellenic value
instilled in Alexander at an early age would add to the esteem
of his contemporaries, both men and women, as it would not in
Christian times.
Alexander's hero, Achilles is not a part of the
action in books 4 to 9. He remains hors d'combat which, at
the request of his mother is predetermined by Zeus to be disastrous
to his allies. Achilles is willing to sacrifice the lives of
many of his friends in order to achieve his goals, but this results
in no opprobrium from the Achaeans. Modern readers, at once,
find his attitude to be petulant and disloyal, but there is no
hint of this in Homer. Only a difference in cultural values can
account for this and it should be remembered that Alexander,
and indeed all Macedonians, held values quite close to those
of Homer.
" And deep in his well built lodge Achilles
slept with the woman he brought from Lesbos, Phorbas' daughter,
Diomede in all her beauty sleeping by his side. And over across
from him Patrocolus slept with the sashed and lovely Iphis by
his side."
It is difficult to reconcile these lines with
the modern belief that a homosexual relationship between Alexander
and Hephaestion parallels the same relationship between Achilles
and Patrocolus; this is never even alluded to in Homer. Indeed,
it cannot possibly be justified with the contemporary definition
of homosexuality. Certainly the entire tale of the rage of Achilles
is engendered by the tale of the beautiful girl, Briseis, whom
Achilles wanted to keep and Agamemnon took from him. These things
cannot allow us to even consider Achilles to be a homosexual
role model for Alexander without redefining homosexuality.
Achilles remains aloof from the battles which
rage throughout these seven books of the Iliad. This performance
piece was produced for a specific audience. The audience was
composed of men and the men were part of a warrior culture which
held courage in battle to be the highest of all manly virtues.
This cultural perception was held throughout Hellas and was strongly
entrenched in the culture of Macedon. Alexander, reading these
pages, would have a reaction very different from the reaction
of modern readers. People today who read The Iliad for the first
time often decry the long catalog of atrocities which seem to
them to be over abundant. Where we may see repulsive and repetitive
horrors, the warriors for whom the tale was created, who had
first hand knowledge of this sort of warfare, would see only
a perfectly respectable life style in which the better a man
was at mass killing and maiming, the more he was admired by his
society.
Alexander was born into the somewhat backward
looking culture of Macedon and was an important part of that
culture. He was raised by warriors in the company of warriors
and as heir apparent to Philip II, he was trained to be the best
of warriors. Reading these lines of Homer, or hearing them recited,
he would find little sorrow in the battle death of a warrior.
This was considered throughout Hellas as the best possible honor
for a mortal man. Alexander was scrupulous about honoring his
dead precisely because he believed entirely in his cultural tenets.
His warrior ethos is most evident in the respect he accorded
to the dead of even enemy warriors.
These pages of Homer which we may read with some
distaste, Alexander would have enjoyed for their positive reinforcement
of what he considered to be the good and proper actions of an
honorable man. In this belief he was supported by the great majority
of the people of his day.
Bk.18.560-709
The shield of Achilles is described in great
detail for some 150 lines. Alexander well knew this inscription
when he took the shield purported to be that same one. Like many
of Alexander's actions, bearing the shield of Achilles is highly
symbolic. In assuming the symbol of Achilles, Alexander assumes
a recognizable identity; he symbolically proclaims himself to
be the new Achilles come from the West to conquer in the East.
It is clear that Alexander well understood the military advantage
of propaganda. It was much more than self aggrandizement which
caused him to promulgate the tales of his prowess and good fortune;
these tales traveled faster than his armies. Many cities, knowing
the news of alexander, laid down their arms and opened their
gates at the approach of Alexander because they already believed
the image he was creating with some degree of premeditation.
Whether he believed his shield to be authentic or not, He knew
that most of the world believed it and he used it.
Bk22.467-476
In these lines, Homer tells of how, in his fury,
Achilles desecrated the body of Hector by piercing what we
now call the Achilles tendons, and passing rawhide straps through
them, lashing the corpse to his chariot to drag it around the
walls of Troy.
There is a parallel story told about Alexander
after the siege of Gaza. Curtius states that Alexander, after
capturing the Persian governor of the city, Batis, had him lashed
by the ankles to a chariot and dragged to death around
the walls of the city. Though Curtius is our only source of this
tale of Homeric vengeance and he is writing some 300 years after
the event, it could be true, though it sounds suspiciously like
a literary device.
The two month siege was a particularly difficult
one and Alexander was twice wounded in the fighting. He was shot
in the shoulder with an arrow and lost a dangerous amount of
blood. He was still recovering from this wound when, in the last
days of the siege, he had his leg broken by an artillery missile.
The unlucky Batis was brought to judgment before an Alexander
who was angry and in pain. If the story is a literary fabrication,
it is certainly a plausible one. Alexander was familiar with
the tale of Achilles and Hector, but then so was Curtius.
Bk.23
It is in book 23 of The Iliad that an undeniable
parallel so poignantly asserts itself. It is here, where old
soldiers have wept for 3000 years, that we most clearly see Alexander
and Hephaestion . Alexander always had these writings with him.
There can be no doubt that one July night in Ecbatana, 324 years
before the birth of Christ, he sat alone with his hair all shorn
and his face covered with ashes reading these very words which
he knew so well. Of this we may be certain. For many, it is impossible
to read book 23 of The Iliad without thinking of Alexander and
Hephaestion
Bk. 24
The entire motif of book 24 deals with the mercy
of Achilles. This is the tale of how old Priam got back the body
of his son, Hector. It is one of the more moving chapters of
the work and. I think this must have very much effected a young
man like Alexander. In line 190 begins the tale of how Thetis,
the mother of Achilles, delivers to him a message from Zeus.
The words of Zeus about Achilles are, "Whoever begs his
mercy, he will spare with all the kindness of his heart," This
is entirely consistent with the actions of Alexander throughout
his campaigns. He was ever eager to extend mercy to the conquered,
but only if they asked for it. It was always haute au bas,
but it was usually given. You had to beg.
Conclusion
There is no reason to believe that the sources
are wrong in asserting that Alexander read and re read the Iliad
all his life. They are all in agreement on this point. Almost
all Hellenes knew the Iliad. It was history, art, and religion
all rolled up into one. To this day you can hear readings from
it in tavernas all over Greece. Alexander, as an educated prince,
could not but know it very well. It is reported that wherever
he went, in the palace at Babylon, or in a soggy tent by the
Indus, slaves put a copy by his bed before he retired. The values
contained in it appear consistently throughout his life. His
connection to this work is, I think, incontestable. Did he model
his life upon Achilles? Perhaps, but it seems more likely that
he identified with the character quite early on and rather than
attempting to be like Achilles, he felt he really was like Achilles
from the start. He believed in breeding. He thought that the
blood of kings and gods ran in his veins. He must have felt a
direct physical relationship to the divine hero. in a sense,
Achilles was a part of him. Being Alexander of course, he had
to best him and all others as well. In truth, he did.
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