
STOLATA
A BRIEF DISCUSSION OF ROMAN WOMEN'S GARB
Rome, Julilla Sempronia
- But you, by nature form'd in finer moulds,
- Must wrap your tender limbs in silken folds;
- Wear lawns and tissue, sleep in damask beds,
- And with gay knots and wires adorn your heads:
- Your ears with pendants, lockets on your arms,
- Besides a thousand other nameless charms.
–Ovid, the Art of Beauty
In early Roman times women wore togas, but soon this mode of dress gave way to
the stola, robe of the traditional Roman matron, and to see a woman
togata meant that she was a prostitute or in disgrace.
Women in the late Republic and early empire wore a tunica as an undergarment, over which was worn the stola, a long, full-length dress gathered above the waist by a girdle, or zona. If the stola was not long for it to be tucked at the waist to hide the girdle, the girdle itself supplied a further opportunity for the luxurious display: instead of the ordinary plain ribbon, an expensive or a piece of valuable braid studded with precious stones or pearls might be used.
The stola was always long, covering the woman's instep. A distinguishing
border or decoration often referred to in literature was the institia, however,
records of this trimming are lacking, since it is not imitated on sculpture
and has apparently not been recognized in the surviving paintings. It is most
likely to have been a narrow border around the bottom of the stola. Over this
the Roman matrona donned the palla, a wide, trailing scarf that
covered her from head to foot.
Materials
Woolen and linen were the staple fabrics in Republican and even in Imperial Rome, women could still be found who wove all their family's clothing from the wool of sheep fromt their own estates. In fact, Augustus' wife, Livia wove all the materials used to clothe her household.
In later periods, silk was worn with increasing frequency — real silk,
brought from China. It was very expensive (traded ounce for ounce with gold)
and proportionately prized: writers often sniped about the cost of women's garb,
phrases that echo down the long years to this very day.
Undergarments
An undergarment called the tunica interior or intima, or,
as it was also called, interala or indusium, was worn next the skin. Beneath
that women wore brassieres, called strophium or mammilare, made of soft leather or linen. The tunica interior was closed all round except for the armholes and neckline, with short sleeves. It was of the same width throughout, and reached to the feet. This was the matrona's house dress, and was at first made of wool; as time went on, however, it was usually of cotton or silk, or even, especially in the late days of the Empire, of transparent "Coan" silk, so-named because the Greek women of the isle of Cos wove the gauzy material out of wild silk.
In the case last mentioned it was long and full, and had a long train, and was worn sometimes with a girdle and sometimes without. Many claim that the stola was adorned at the shoulders with clasps or buttons, but personal experimentation points rather to the formation of tiny cloth "rosettes," which make the garment sleeves closely resemble the sculptural evidence.
Hairstyles
Each morning after the daily bath, an Ornatrix combed, crimped
and styled her mistress' hair, using pins, hair-nets and ribbons. Hair dyes
are also applied at times; Pliny records a formula for black hair dye that
included leeches and vinegar.
Some recipes for hair bleaching and dyeing survive, and include a greasy
formula called sapo from Germany to lighten the hair. Others included
pepper, rat's heads, even excrement! It is reasonable to assume that repeated
use of such noxious formulae necessitated donning a wig for some poor souls.
Hairdressing followed, in general, contemporary Greek styles. From the
latter part of the Republican era, however, coiffures became increasingly
elaborate and often unbeautiful. It is said that in late Republican and
Imperial times Roman women bleached and dyed their hair and, moreover, wore
false blonde or red tresses taken from the heads of conquered northern
barbarian women.
Characteristics of fashionable Imperial coiffures were: an excessive
amount of hair, frequently braided, intricately coiled; frizzed and curled;
and high dressing in the front, either with frizzed hair, in the manner
that we know as "pompadour," or with decorations of the diadem sort.
Note the diadem arrangement on the portrait bust of Marciana, (CE 95-117). The hair is dressed in tight cylindrical ringlets forming the diadem. A fringe of frizzed hair conceals a narrow band and a "beau-catcher" curl curves in front of the ear. The coiled braids are arranged in a great cap at the crown of the head, and the hair curls naturally and prettily in the nape. This is one of the more attractive styles.
Pretty, too, is a portrait bust of Julia Domna from the third century. Here her thick hair was marcelled and brought back low behind her neck; all the long back-hair is crown-braided and interlaced in a basket-weave and pinned up at the back.
A veil was added at will to any Roman coiffure, often as a ritual
accessory. As in Greek practice, this was draped loosely over the head
and shoulders, not, as a rule, bound to the head with a ribbon or circlet.
Except with the veil and possibly, when traveling, with the petasos
or sun-hat, or the cucculus, Roman women did not cover their hair.
Footwear
There were numerous styles, exhibiting all the gradations from a simple sandal to the complete boot reaching up to the calf. Equally numerous were the colours and the materials employed. For certain ranks and classes the kind of footwear was definitely laid down, and not only soldiers, but members of the Senate, consuls, and others had to wear, and were limited to wearing, the footgear prescribed for them.
On the whole the footwear of the women was similar to those of men, but
showed less variety. They preferred sandals and shoes that did not come
above the ankles to boots reaching higher up the calf. Platform shoes were
not uncommon. They naturally paid even more attention than the men to
daintiness of appearance, and their shoes were not only trimmed with gold,
but embroidered with pearls and similar ornamentation, and imperial decrees
even stooped to
Cosmetics
- I have told you of the paints that will make
you beautiful;
- from it too seek means to rescue impaired beauty:
- Yet net no lover find the boxes set out on the table;
- your looks
are aided by dissembled art.
- Who would not be offended by paint
smeared all over the face,
- when by its weight it glides and falls
into your warm bosom?
–Ovid
As the matrona began her day, a slave girl removed her mistress' night cream, concocted from wheat flour and asses' milk, or crushed snails. Some facial creams were crafted of more expensive ingredients: Libyan barley, honey and narcissus bulbs, and crushed stag's antlers. Some even contained dangerous poisons, like mercury or lead, not only risking a vain woman's skin, but her life as well.
Nero's lover, then wife, the beautiful and vain Poppaea was famed
for developing her own beauty cream fabricated from dough and ass's milk.
She kept 500 head of donkeys, which were herded along on her travels
so she could bathe in their milk!
The matrona then cleaned her teeth with a toothbrush and
dentifrice, then soaked in perfumed bath water, which she also might do
after attending the baths to counteract body odour. Scents and
fragrances were popular enough to draw the attention of Pliny, who
carped that a million sestertii were drained away to the
far East in buying scent for Roman ladies.
A masseur, or unctor massaged his mistress' skin with
precious unguents, often using a different one for each part of the
body. Women who could not afford such expensive scent anointed
themselves in olive oil scented with flowers.
After styling her mistress' hair, an ornatrix used white
chalk or white lead powder on her and arms, then applied rouge made
from red ochre or the dregs of red wine to the lips and cheeks.
Eyes were outlined with Egyptian kohl, powdered ash and saffron,
and eyebrows and lashes were darkened with burnt cork.
All these ingredients were at hand in pyxides — vases
and jars — on a nearby nightstand, which doubtless held a mirror
made of polished bronze, copper or silver, or glass backed with
lead.
Sources
- I CLAVDIA: Women in Ancient
Rome
History of Costume, Historic Costume for the Stage
by Lucy Barton - I CAESAR, Ruling the Roman Empire, Phil
Grabsky, BBC Worldwide Publishing, 1997
- The World of Roman
Costume, Judith Lynn Sebesta & Larissa Bonfante
Roman Clothing and Fashion, A.T. Croom
-
VORTIGERN
A BRIEF LOOK INTO THE LIFE OF VORTIGERN
Rome, Diantha Livius
King Vortigern Vorteneu, also known as: Gwrtheyrn in Wales, Wurtigernus in Latin, as well as superbus tyrannus by the Romans, lived from about 370 AD to 459 AD (accounts vary). His origins (and here) are obscure. His name seems to be a title, rather than an actual name. It is thought to translate as "over king" or "over lord". Also, the Celtic "Ver-tigernos" seems to have had the meaning of "high lord" or "great prince" originally.
Vortigern Vorteneu was a tyrant by many accounts. He rose to power
via murder and treachery, and in doing so made some powerful enemies.
History shows that he proved to be a weak leader with few, if any
redeeming qualities. A holy man (St. Germanus or St. Garmon) went so
far as to accuse Vortigern of impregnating his own daughter. Although
it is said that Vortigern was vilified because of his religious views
(Pelagianism). This unsubstantiated slur on his character would support
that view.
There are many accounts concerning Vortigern's rise to power and
subsequent fall. According to
Geoffrey of Monmouth, Vortigern was able to gain a foothold in
power by marrying Magnus Maximus' (Constantine III's predecessor)
daughter, Severa ferch Macsen. Constantine died before his three
sons: Constans, Aurelius Ambrosius (the Ambrosius Aurelianus of
actual history) and Uther Pendragon (the legendary future father
of Arthur), were old enough to take the throne. Acting as the
advisor to the eldest son, Constans, Vortigern was able to gain
some influence. But, this must not have been enough for him, as
Geoffrey claims Vortigern conspired to have Constans killed. The
two surviving sons, being mere babes the time, were bundled up
and taken to the court of their cousin, Budic I, in Brittany.
After gaining power, Vortigern was met by obstacles throughout
his reign. His troubles were three-fold: barbarian raids that
endangered his borders — the Scots on the West and Picts to the
North, a Roman invasion, and the real heir to the throne, Ambrosius.
Since Ambrosius was still growing up, early in his reign,
Vortigern focused on the other two threats. In order to fight
these barbarians, Vortigern turned to the Jutish Princes, Hengist
and Horsa. They struck a deal. Geoffrey of Monmouth claims that
Vortigern agreed to give them all the land they could cover with
a single ox-ride. In return, the brothers promised to give him
mercenaries to help defend against the brutal raids occurring on
his western and northern borders. This very Roman method of
employing one barbarian tribe to defeat another worked. The
Saxons were victorious.
In time Vortigern's grip on power
started to slip. Severa died and this meant Vortigern's original
claim, through his marriage, was shaky....or so many would believe.
John H. Ward, however makes an interesting case, stating that
Vortigern's authority could not have been solely based on this
marriage. During this time in history, one man could not gain
so much power over a such a large section of Britain based solely
on heredity alone. The most a man could hope to inherit would be
rule over a single tribe. But, Vortigern's reach far extended one
tribe. Because of this, John H. Ward suggests that Vortigern's
power came from the Romans.
There is one account which tells of the Romans coming back to
Britain twice, after Maximus' death. In this account ("Vortigern
and the End of Roman Britain" by John H. Ward (Britannia,
Vol. 3 (1972), pg. 285, 286), Roman aide was given in order to
suppress attacks by the Scots and Picts. The Romans were again
expelled after giving assistance, but again returned after a
letter to Honorius was received. Both of these events happened
in Vortigern's time, during his reign. Therefore, it may be
possible that Vortigern was more of a Roman vicarius —
one who ruled by proxy in place of the Emperor. It is more
believable however, if Vortigern would have been named Dux Britannicum
(Duke of the Britons), as was Magnus Maximus before him, or even
Comes Litoris Saxonici (Count of the Saxon Shore). These titles
would fit in very well with the above translations of Vortigern's name.
An example of this greater power would be the circumstances behind
his second marriage. It is said Vortigern saw the fair Rowena (Hronwen)
while he was drunk after a celebratory feast and fell in love with her.
Rowena was Hengist's daughter and Vortigern said he would give the Prince
anything in order to have her for his wife. As a bride-price, Hengist
asked for Ceint (Kent). Vortigern handed it over to him, deposing the
then current ruler, Guoirancgon. As John H. Ward says, "Had Guoirancgon
been truly a king of the Cantii, or even a local chieftain, this would
have been unthinkable. Yet no effort was made to recover his place, no
rebellion on the part of the betrayed civitas is recorded, no question
is even raised about Vortigern's right so to treat his Kentish sub-ruler.
Guoirancgon merely disappears from the scene." ("Vortigern and the End
of Roman Britain" by John H. Ward (Britannia, Vol. 3 (1972), pg. 287).
Vortigern's rule over the region begins to slip more and more throughout
his reign. His control had begun to lapse before the Guoirancgon/Hengist
affair took place. As noted above, pressure from the Picts and Scots were
a constant threat, but Mr. Ward says that the Saxon mercenaries were not
placed in the North or West, as Geoffrey of Monmouth states, but on Thanet,
right beside Portus Rutupiae. This location was the major port of
entry and the most likely target for a Roman attack. The rebellion on
Vortigern's part could well explain his fear of a Roman attack, for he
had in essence stabbed his benefactor in the back.
By the end of his reign, Vortigern had many factions against him.
Ambrosius had grown into a man and was gaining support to overthrow the
unpopular "over-king". After Vortigern gave Kent away and married a Saxon,
his own son, Vortimer, turned on him and raised arms against him. He
called himself a rival British King, but didn't last long. He was wounded
in battle, and it is said that his step-mother, the Saxon Rowena poisoned
him. As Vortigern had betrayed the Romans, the Saxons betrayed him. They
were not happy with their little piece of land and wanted more. According
to David Nash Ford's site:
"From their secure power-base, the Saxons then demanded more food
and clothing to supply their increased numbers and Vortigern refused them,
saying, 'we cannot give you more food and clothing for your numbers are
grown.' The Saxons, however, would not accept this answer. Nennius tells us,
'So they took counsel with their elders to break the peace.'
They tore through the land, leaving devastation wherever they went.
Many were killed during the ensuing battles, amongst them, Horsa and Vortigern's
son, Catigern. Hengist eventually called for a peace conference on
Salisbury Plain. The British arrived and were promptly cut down where
they stood. This decision on the part of the Saxons would result in
several generations of war with the Britons."
With the Romans, Saxons, Ambrosius and others pushing in on him,
Vortigern felt the need to flee. He escaped and found refuge with his last
friends on the continent. These were the Pelagian Scottish rulers of
Demetia. Other, more fantastical accounts, claim that Vortigern flew
to the West. He tried one last time to build a fortress to stave off
attacks on all sides. This endeavor was met with failure, for so the
story goes, every morning, the previous days' work lay in ruin. Vortigern
was told to seek out a boy with no father and this led him to Merlin
(of Arthurian legend). Merlin gave the High-King this warning:
"Merlin revealed that at night the mountain shook so that all
buildings collapsed, because beneath it were buried two fighting dragons.
One white representing the Saxons and one red representing the British,
and the white one was winning!"
(David
Nash Ford's Early British Kingdoms).
Vortigern is said to have fled once more, afraid of such an omen.
Ambrosius, the tale continues, was constantly on his heels. After being
driven further and further south, he took refuge in the old hillfort of
Caer-Guorthigirn (Little Doward) above Ganarew. Vortigern meets his end
here. This last place of refuge was miraculously struck my lightning,
burning Vortigern to death.
Many sources claim that Vortigern was evil, weak, lecherous and a
villain. But, perhaps he was a man who did his duty as best he could.
He found himself in a situation, not totally of his own making, that he
could not control. Try as he may, in the end he failed.
Sources:
Decline
of the Roman Empire
"Vortigern and the End of Roman Britain" by
John H. Ward (Britannia, Vol. 3 (1972), 277-289)
David
Nash Ford's Early British Kingdoms

Carleton Sheets
FEMALE SCRIBES IN ANCIENT EGYPT
WERE FEMALE SCRIBES REALLY A FACT OR DID THE MEN DO IT ALL?
Egypt, Mirjam Nebet
Much has been written about the ancient Egyptian scribe and his status and function in society. We find scribes in many prominent positions up and down the administrative hierarchy, from high dignitaries at the royal court down to those taking records of cargo and harvest. We know that in order to make almost any career, a scribal education was necessary. We also know that to be eligible for a scribal career, you most likely had to be well born. The sons of commoners did not reach the temple schools in general. But what about women in this respect? Was it only men who were able to read and write and did that mean that women were analphabets always and everywhere? Or did there even exist female scribes as well?
The word 'seshet' does not appear until the Middle Kingdom. It is the feminine form of the male 'sesh' which means 'scribe'. The word seshet should consequently denote a female scribe. Some scholars think however that this is instead a short version of a female title which probably means 'painter of her mouth' or 'cosmetician', as it is found listed together with the word for hairdresser.
But there existed a woman in the Middle Kingdom, one Idwy, who was the owner of a scarab seal and who was called
Much has been written about the ancient Egyptian scribe and his status and function in society. We find scribes in many prominent positions up and down the administrative hierarchy, from the royal court down to recorders of cargo and harvest. We know that in order to make a career, a scribal education was mandatory. We also know that to be eligible for a scribal career, you most likely had to be well born. The sons of commoners did not reach the temple schools in general. But what about women in this respect? Was it only men who were able to read and write and did that mean that women were analphabets always and everywhere? Or did there even exist female scribes as well?
The word 'seshet', which doesn't appear until the Middle Kingdom, is the feminine form of the male 'sesh' which means 'scribe'. The word "seshet" should consequently denote a female scribe. Some scholars think however that this is instead a short version of a female title which probably means 'painter of her mouth' or 'cosmetician', as it is found listed together with the word for hairdresser.
But there existed a woman in the Middle Kingdom, Idwy, who was the owner of a scarab seal and who was called seshet. A seal - this points at a much higher status than that of a cosmetician. A seal is used to sign documents with. There are a couple of other examples too: In the Late Period there was a sesh-sehemet; 'female scribe' to the God's wife of Amun at Thebes, and there are two 'seshet' depicted among household officials on a private stelae. There is also one 'seshet' depicted in the burial chamber of the royal woman Aashit at Deir-el-Bahri. These examples show that female scribes cannot be totally excluded. Though only boys were taken to the temple school, girls from literate families could very well have been taught to read and write in a non-official context. Perhaps the knowledge was passed on from mothers to daughters, leaving tutors out of the picture. As women did not work within the bureaucracy, it might not have been considered worthwhile to put them through a formal scribal education and so they had to look for other means.
It might be that there are writings penned by women, but as yet we lack the ability to say for certain. From the workmans' village at Deir el-Medina are ostraca carrying notes which seem to pertain to female doings; laundry lists, dressmaking advice, etc. But even if these notes were indeed written by women it doesn't mean that all women could read and write. The general education level of the inhabitants at Deir el-Medina was higher than the average elsewhere, due to the character of the village with many educated artisans, leaving the farmers aside.
While there are countless depictions of working male scribes, existing depictions of female scribes are on the whole very few. It is not possible to prove that women were employed in the state administration. It could just as well be that they held positions in a royal or private household. There are some New Kingdom depictions of women with a scribal kit under their chairs, but it could be that these tools were put there for lack of space elsewhere in the picture and that they belonged to the husband, since he is also depicted there.
One interesting thing to note is that the goddess Seshat was depicted holding a pen and a palette in her hand. She was referred to as "She who is foremost in the House of Books" and spouse of Djehuty (Gr: Thoth), patron deity of knowledge and of scribes. This points towards that the idea of a woman writing and reading was something acceptable and which occurred, if not on a regular, traditional basis, at least when circumstances allowed for it.
These things considered, it seems likely that women in general were analphabets but that in the upper echelons of society it was not at all unusual to know how to read and write, at least from the Middle Kingdom and onwards. Since we don't hear about them being educated or holding official posts, the main difference between men and women in this context seems to be that women, in the cases where they had acquired the ability to read and write, were probably quite active within the home and in unofficial situations, except perhaps in the case of the God's Wife of Amun, (which was a rather solemn, ritual function) while men, as in most cultures in the ancient world, worked in official positions on all levels in society as administrators or bureaucrats.
Sources: Women in Ancient Egypt - Gay Robins, London 1993
Daughters of Isis - Joyce Tyldesley, London
1995