The place with its dread sanctity was wont To awe the frightened rustics; even then They trembled at its wood and at its rock. This grove, said he, this hill with leafy crest A god inhabits -- who that god may be, Is all in doubt; Arcadians believe That they themselves Jove oftentimes have seen As he woke storm clouds, shook his darkening Aegis in his right hand. Virgil, The Aeneid, Book VIII: 456-464
The Mysterious Vediovis
A search for a description of the Roman god Vediovis and his aspects quickly leads to confusion. The god’s name is given variously as Vediovis, Veiovis, Veiiovis, Vejovis, Veive, Vetis, or Vedius. He is said to be an incarnation of or associated with Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, Saturn, Orcus, Dis Pater, Pluto, Dis Manes, or even Aesculapius.
Some sources say that Vediovis was an Etruscan god, others that he was a Latin god. He is said to be a god of the underworld, the god of revenge (or retribution?), the hunter of souls, the anti-Jupiter, the hidden Jupiter, the young Jupiter, the underworld Jupiter, a god of healing, or even a god of expiation and the protector of runaway criminals.
Some of the descriptions are probably true, some plausible, and others probably wrong and derived from the erroneous conflation of facts endlessly repeated until only confusion is left.
Who was Vediovis? This article reviews what is known from archeological evidence and what may be reasonably inferred from ancient sources.
The Facts
In order to clear up the mystery of the god Vediovis’ origin and attributes, one should first examine the facts that are known with some certainty. Several ancient sources mention the worship of a god named Vediovis and a temple dedicated to the god at Rome. These sources will be examined in conjunction with the evidence to establish the context for Vediovis’ cult at Rome.
First, there was certainly an ancient temple for Vediovis at Rome. The temple was discovered in 1939 during excavations beneath the Renaissance-era buildings on the Capitoline Hill. The temple was identified from its correspondence to ancient sources in both location and proportions. For example, Vitruvius’ book on architecture describes the ancient temple’s features:
Further, temples of other orders are laid out and built with the same symmetries, yet having the arrangements of another order than the Tuscan; such as the temple of Castor in the Circus Flaminius, of Veioivis between the Two Groves, and with more subtle proportions the temple of Diana Nemorensis…. For like the others, the cells are double in length compared to the breadth. In these temples also, all the features which are customary on the front are transferred to the flanks. Vitruvius, De Architectura, Book IV: 8.4
Third, Vediovis was included in the Roman religious calendar with festival days on January 1 and March 7, the dedication dates of the temples listed above. The preferred sacrifice at these temples was a she-goat.[2]
More importantly, Vediovis was linked to Janus and Mars in the ancient celebration known as the Agonalia. The origin of this festival was attributed to Numa Pompilius and involved the sacrifice of a ram by the rex sacrificulus in the Regia.
The agonia [sacrifice] of January 9 was dedicated to Janus, the god of the new year. The Agonium Martiale of March 17 was dedicated to Mars and was the traditional day when Roman boys assumed the toga of manhood. The Agonium Vediovi of May 21 was dedicated to Vediovis. A fourth day named in some sources was December 11, also celebrated as the Septimontium, which marked the inclusion of the historical seven hills within the city of Rome. The official purpose of the Agonalia was unclear even in the late Republican era, but: as Hartung has observed (Die Religion der Römer, vol. II, p. 33), when it is recollected that the victim which was offered was a ram, that the person who offered it was the rex sacrificulus, and that the place where it was offered was the regia, we shall not have much difficulty in understanding the significance of this festival. The ram was the usual victim presented to the guardian gods of the state, and the rex sacrificulus and the regia could be employed only for such ceremonies as were connected with the highest gods and affected the weal of the whole state.[4] The rex sacrificulus was originally the highest religious position in the Religio Romana and also the only priest specifically dedicated to Janus. The rites of the Agonalia had religious significance to the ancient Romans, for reasons now unknown, leaving open the question of Vediovis’ role and reason for inclusion in the festival. A final fact points to Vediovis’ origins. Aside from the temples in Rome, Vediovis was also worshipped at Bovillae, 11 miles southeast of Rome. An altar found at Bovillae was inscribed to Vediovei Patrei genteiles Iuliei, linking the god to the gens Julii. This association was revived in the mythology of Augustus Caesar. In fact, in his study of Roman religion, Warde Fowler stated: “What we know of the cult is only this. It was peculiar to Rome and Bovillae.”[5] A God of Latium? The connection to Bovillae and the Julii provides an important clue to Vediovis’ origins. The Julii were among a group of leading families (including also the Tullii, Servilii, Curiatii, Quinctii, Cloelii, and Geganii) that migrated to Rome or Bovillae after the destruction of Alba Longa. These families were known to maintain the ancient Alban cults.[6] If Vediovis came from Alba, he was associated with the Latins. The Latin people emerged in central Italy in the first millennium BC, when they began to herd their flocks and cultivate the rich volcanic soil of Mount Albanus.[7] According to legend, as reflected in The Aenead of Virgil, Aeneas fled the destruction of Troy and eventually founded Lavinium. His son Ascanius left there to found Alba Longa and establish a dynasty of kings. After several generations, Romulus and Remus, after their childhood exposure in the woods, left Alba Longa and founded Rome. Legends aside, Alba Longa was a powerful city, the original leader of the Latin league. Rome, a rising power among the Latins, challenged Alba’s leadership and finally destroyed its rival around the end of the sixth century BC. The intra-Latin conflict was akin to a civil war. Yet, having won, Rome absorbed the Albans, moving many to Rome to settle on the Caelian Hill. People and territory are not the only things Rome took from Alba Longa. Thus, several things may be inferred from the evidence. Vediovis was a native god of ancient origin – one of the di indigetes, probably adopted from a Latin family cult, hence the acceptance of his temple inside the pomerium. He was a god of some significance to the welfare of the state and the whole Roman people. He did not, however, have an extensive cult outside of Rome. Exactly what his role was within the Roman religion is still not clear. An Etruscan God? Despite the evidence that Vediovis was a god of the Latins, there are also indications that the Etruscans worshiped a similar god. Given the Romans’ early practice of adopting native gods from various Italian peoples and melding their cults, this is not implausible. Other Roman gods also had both Latin and Etruscan incarnations, including Jupiter, Janus, and Mars.[11] Among the Etruscan gods and heroes, there does appear to be a counterpart of Vediovis. This god, known as Veive, was one of the nine great gods capable of hurling thunderbolts, whom the Romans called the Novensiles. Along with Tinia-Jupiter, Cupra-Juno, Mnrva-Minerva, Summanus, Sethlans-Vulcan, Mars, and two others: Vejovis, or Vedius, though with a Latin name, was an Etruscan deity, whose bolts had the singular effect of making those they struck so deaf, "that they could not hear the thunder, or even louder noises.” George Dennis, The Cities and Cemetaries of Etruria[13] The reference to Vediovis’ deafening bolt is from comment by Ammianus Marcellinus that: those who are shortly to be struck by lightning are so dulled in their senses that they can hear neither thunder nor any louder crashes whatsoever. Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, Vol. 1, Book XVII, 10.2 Indirectly, these passages give the first indication of Veive-Vediovis’ power and a possible suggestion of his role as a wielder of a deadly thunderbolt. As adopted into the Roman state religion, only four of these gods were recognized as wielders of lightning: Jupiter, Vediovis, Summanus, and Minerva.[14] Other sources name Veive as a god of revenge and a friend and companion of both Maris and Laran. Maris was an Etruscan god of farming and fertility, as was Mars among the early Latins. Laran was the god of war, and consort of Turan, the goddess of love. The parallel with the later Roman pairing of Mars and Aphrodite is unmistakable. Laran was typically depicted as a naked young man wearing only a helmet and cape, or chlamys, and holding a spear. Early paintings identified as Mars show almost exactly the same style, in contrast to the imperial era statues of a vigorous adult Mars in Roman uniform. The probable convergence of the Latin Mars and Etruscan Maris, gods of the field, and the subsequent evolution of both into Mars-Laran, the Roman god of war, is highly likely.[15]
The official purpose of the Agonalia was unclear even in the late Republican era, but:
as Hartung has observed (Die Religion der Römer, vol. II, p. 33), when it is recollected that the victim which was offered was a ram, that the person who offered it was the rex sacrificulus, and that the place where it was offered was the regia, we shall not have much difficulty in understanding the significance of this festival. The ram was the usual victim presented to the guardian gods of the state, and the rex sacrificulus and the regia could be employed only for such ceremonies as were connected with the highest gods and affected the weal of the whole state.[4]
A final fact points to Vediovis’ origins. Aside from the temples in Rome, Vediovis was also worshipped at Bovillae, 11 miles southeast of Rome. An altar found at Bovillae was inscribed to Vediovei Patrei genteiles Iuliei, linking the god to the gens Julii. This association was revived in the mythology of Augustus Caesar. In fact, in his study of Roman religion, Warde Fowler stated: “What we know of the cult is only this. It was peculiar to Rome and Bovillae.”[5]
A God of Latium?
The connection to Bovillae and the Julii provides an important clue to Vediovis’ origins. The Julii were among a group of leading families (including also the Tullii, Servilii, Curiatii, Quinctii, Cloelii, and Geganii) that migrated to Rome or Bovillae after the destruction of Alba Longa. These families were known to maintain the ancient Alban cults.[6]
If Vediovis came from Alba, he was associated with the Latins. The Latin people emerged in central Italy in the first millennium BC, when they began to herd their flocks and cultivate the rich volcanic soil of Mount Albanus.[7] According to legend, as reflected in The Aenead of Virgil, Aeneas fled the destruction of Troy and eventually founded Lavinium. His son Ascanius left there to found Alba Longa and establish a dynasty of kings. After several generations, Romulus and Remus, after their childhood exposure in the woods, left Alba Longa and founded Rome.
Legends aside, Alba Longa was a powerful city, the original leader of the Latin league. Rome, a rising power among the Latins, challenged Alba’s leadership and finally destroyed its rival around the end of the sixth century BC. The intra-Latin conflict was akin to a civil war. Yet, having won, Rome absorbed the Albans, moving many to Rome to settle on the Caelian Hill. People and territory are not the only things Rome took from Alba Longa.
Thus, several things may be inferred from the evidence. Vediovis was a native god of ancient origin – one of the di indigetes, probably adopted from a Latin family cult, hence the acceptance of his temple inside the pomerium. He was a god of some significance to the welfare of the state and the whole Roman people. He did not, however, have an extensive cult outside of Rome. Exactly what his role was within the Roman religion is still not clear.
An Etruscan God?
Despite the evidence that Vediovis was a god of the Latins, there are also indications that the Etruscans worshiped a similar god. Given the Romans’ early practice of adopting native gods from various Italian peoples and melding their cults, this is not implausible. Other Roman gods also had both Latin and Etruscan incarnations, including Jupiter, Janus, and Mars.[11]
Among the Etruscan gods and heroes, there does appear to be a counterpart of Vediovis. This god, known as Veive, was one of the nine great gods capable of hurling thunderbolts, whom the Romans called the Novensiles. Along with Tinia-Jupiter, Cupra-Juno, Mnrva-Minerva, Summanus, Sethlans-Vulcan, Mars, and two others:
Vejovis, or Vedius, though with a Latin name, was an Etruscan deity, whose bolts had the singular effect of making those they struck so deaf, "that they could not hear the thunder, or even louder noises.” George Dennis, The Cities and Cemetaries of Etruria[13]
those who are shortly to be struck by lightning are so dulled in their senses that they can hear neither thunder nor any louder crashes whatsoever. Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, Vol. 1, Book XVII, 10.2
Other sources name Veive as a god of revenge and a friend and companion of both Maris and Laran. Maris was an Etruscan god of farming and fertility, as was Mars among the early Latins. Laran was the god of war, and consort of Turan, the goddess of love. The parallel with the later Roman pairing of Mars and Aphrodite is unmistakable. Laran was typically depicted as a naked young man wearing only a helmet and cape, or chlamys, and holding a spear. Early paintings identified as Mars show almost exactly the same style, in contrast to the imperial era statues of a vigorous adult Mars in Roman uniform. The probable convergence of the Latin Mars and Etruscan Maris, gods of the field, and the subsequent evolution of both into Mars-Laran, the Roman god of war, is highly likely.[15]
This leaves Veive or Vediovis, the companion warrior, described as a beardless young man holding a laurel wreath and arrows, with the figure of a goat standing next to his statue in the temple on the Capitol.[16] Vediovis and Jupiter Ancient sources are confusing in their identification of Vediovis, even to the point of suggesting that Vediovis might be a particular incarnation of the great sky god Jupiter. Livy, for example, thought the temples on the Tiber Island and the Capitol were both dedicated to Jupiter.[20] The ancient sources must be examined closely to derive as complete an understanding of Vediovis as possible. The poet Ovid in his work on the calendar, the Fasti, traces a speculative meaning from Vediovis’ name. The Nones of March are free of meetings, because it’s thought The temple of Veiovis was consecrated today before the two groves. When Romulus ringed his grove with a high stone wall, He said: ‘Whoever takes refuge here, they will be safe.’ O from how tenuous a beginning the Romans sprang! How little that crowd of old are to be envied! But so the strange name won’t confuse you, unknowingly, Learn who this god is, and why he is so called. He is the young Jupiter: see his youthful face: Then see his hand, holding no lightning bolt. Jove carried his lightning bolts after the Giants dared Their attempt on the heavens: at first he was unarmed. Ossa blazed with his new fires, and Pelion higher than Ossa, And Olympus rooted to the solid earth. A she-goat stands there too: they say the Cretan nymphs Nursed the god: and she gave her milk to the infant Jove. Now I’m called on to explain the name. Farmers call Stunted grain vegrandia, and what’s feeble vesca. If that’s the meaning, why should I not suspect That the shrine of Veiovis is that of Little Jupiter? Ovid, Fasti, III.429[21] Ovid here attempts to apply the prefix ve- to Vediovis as the small, or young Jupiter. This association draws on the Greek mythology of Zeus’ infancy on Crete, where he was raised by either a nymph or she-goat named Amaltheia on Mount Ida. Ovid’s description of a young Jupiter is often repeated and seems to be reflected in coinage of the Republican era. A number of denarii issued c. 85 BC by M. Fonteius show a laureate head identified as Vediovis on the obverse (with lightning bolts below) and an infant Jupiter or genius riding the back of a she-goat on the reverse. [22]
Vediovis and Jupiter
Ancient sources are confusing in their identification of Vediovis, even to the point of suggesting that Vediovis might be a particular incarnation of the great sky god Jupiter. Livy, for example, thought the temples on the Tiber Island and the Capitol were both dedicated to Jupiter.[20] The ancient sources must be examined closely to derive as complete an understanding of Vediovis as possible.
The poet Ovid in his work on the calendar, the Fasti, traces a speculative meaning from Vediovis’ name.
The Nones of March are free of meetings, because it’s thought The temple of Veiovis was consecrated today before the two groves. When Romulus ringed his grove with a high stone wall, He said: ‘Whoever takes refuge here, they will be safe.’ O from how tenuous a beginning the Romans sprang! How little that crowd of old are to be envied! But so the strange name won’t confuse you, unknowingly, Learn who this god is, and why he is so called. He is the young Jupiter: see his youthful face: Then see his hand, holding no lightning bolt. Jove carried his lightning bolts after the Giants dared Their attempt on the heavens: at first he was unarmed. Ossa blazed with his new fires, and Pelion higher than Ossa, And Olympus rooted to the solid earth. A she-goat stands there too: they say the Cretan nymphs Nursed the god: and she gave her milk to the infant Jove. Now I’m called on to explain the name. Farmers call Stunted grain vegrandia, and what’s feeble vesca. If that’s the meaning, why should I not suspect That the shrine of Veiovis is that of Little Jupiter? Ovid, Fasti, III.429[21]
The Julii also promoted the association of Vediovis with a young Jupiter. In their legendary reconstruction of the history of the gens, the Trojan Aeneas was identified as Iuppiter indiges. Aeneas’ son Iulus, from whom the gens descended, was Vediovis, the “young Jupiter.”[23] There are two flaws in this identification of Vediovis as a youthful Jupiter. First, a convergence of his cult with Greek mythology may or may not have taken place by the 1st Century BC, but that does not explain anything about the early Latin-Etruscan god Vediovis. Second, the coin issues of Fonteius do not actually depict a she-goat, as close inspection will confirm. In fact, all of the symbols on the reverse of the coin shown above – the she-goat, a genius or amor, twin caps of the Dioscuri, and thyrsus – have no obvious association with Vediovis or Jupiter.[24] The entire group is generally suggestive of a fertility theme. It should also be noted that the obverse and reverse images on Roman coins often reflect different gods or symbolic themes. Thus, the identification of both sides of the coin as related to Vediovis may be a false association. The second major ancient source from which most information about Vediovis is derived is in Book V of Aulus Cornelius Gellius’ Noctes Atticae. Gellius provides an attempted etymological discussion of the god’s name and derives a much different meaning than Ovid. Because this source is so widely, and carelessly cited, it is worth reviewing at length. In the first section, Gellius traces the origins of the name for Jupiter: On the names of the gods of the Roman people called Diovis and Vediovis. In ancient prayers we have observed that these names of deities appear: Diovis and Vediovis; furthermore, there is also a temple of Vediovis at Rome, between the Citadel and the Capitolium. The explanation of these names I have found to be this: the ancient Latins derived Iovis from iuvare (help), and called that same god "father," thus adding a second word. For Iovispater is the full and complete form, which becomes Iupiter by the syncope or change of some of the letters. So also Neptunuspater is used as a compound, and Saturnuspater and Ianuspater and Marspater — for that is the original form of Marspiter — and Jove also was called Diespiter, that is, the father of day and of light. And therefore by a name of similar origin Jove is called Diovis and also Lucetius, because he blesses us and helps us by means of the day and the light, which are equivalent to life itself. And Lucetius is applied to Jove by Gnaeus Naevius in his poem On the Punic War. A. Cornelius Gellius, Attic Nights, Book V, 12[25] Thus, Jupiter, Jove, Diovis, Iovis, Iovispater, and Diespiter are all terms that refer to Jupiter. Next, Gellius applies this analysis to the identification of Vediovis as an anti-Jupiter: Accordingly, when they had given the names Iovis and Diovis from iuvare (help), they applied a name of the contrary meaning to that god who had, not the power to help, but the force to do harm — for some gods they worshipped in order to gain their favour, others they propitiated in order to avert their hostility; and they called him Vediovis, thus taking away and denying his power to give help. For the particle ve which appears in different forms in different words, now being spelled with these two letters and now with an “a” inserted between the two, has two meanings which also differ from each other. For ve, like very many other particles, has the effect either of weakening or of strengthening the force of a word; and it therefore happens that some words to which that particle is prefixed are ambiguous and may be used with either force, such as vescus (small), vemens (mighty), and vegrandis (very small), a point which I have discussed elsewhere in greater detail. But vesanus and vecordes are used with only one of the meanings of ve, namely, the privative or negative force. Unfortunately, Thayer notes that this discussion is almost entirely incorrect in his linguistic reasoning and that the prefix ve- means “without, or apart from.” The implication is that Vediovis means simply “separate from Jupiter,” rather than the opposite of Jupiter. Ancient etymological analysis was often based on spurious associations. In his work on the nature of the gods, Cicero noted that many of the names of the gods were of obscure origin and perplexing to his contemporaries.[26] Gellius continues with a description of Vediovis’ statue in the Capitoline temple: It is for this reason that the statue of the god Vediovis, which is in the temple of which I spoke above, holds arrows, which, as everyone knows, are devised to inflict harm. For that reason it has often been said that that god is Apollo; and a she-goat is sacrificed to him in the customary fashion, and a representation of that animal stands near his statue. From these passage, several inferences can be drawn, with more or less confidence. First, Vediovis is not Jupiter, though he shares some terrible aspect with the great god. The single detail Gellius mentions in this respect is that the statue of Vediovis held arrows, a common symbol of the thunderbolt in ancient times. This aspect of the god corresponds to the earlier reference to Veive-Vediovis’ deafening thunder preceding a lightning strike. Second, although “it has often been said that that god is Apollo,” Gellius does not say that Vediovis is Apollo. Further, it does not follow from his earlier discussion of the link with Jupiter. Gellius’ note that a figure of a she-goat stood near the statue also contradicts the Apollo identification, since there is no association of a she-goat with that god.[27] Ovid’s identification is the more problematic because it is based on a Greek interpretation of an authentically indigenous Italian god. There is also a curious discrepancy between Ovid’s description of the statue of Vediovis “holding no lightning bolt” and Gellius’ statement that the statue “holds arrows…devised to inflict harm.” Both are describing the statue from the temple on the Capitoline, yet obviously not the same statue. The damaged statue uncovered during excavation of the temple does not solve the apparent contradiction. The marble statue is missing its head, right arm, left hand, and feet, so it is impossible to tell whether it originally held arrows or lightning bolts. Further, the nude figure is posed in a relaxed stance and is covered only with a cloak. This has led some modern scholars to speculate that Vediovis was a form of Apollo or even Mercury.
There are two flaws in this identification of Vediovis as a youthful Jupiter. First, a convergence of his cult with Greek mythology may or may not have taken place by the 1st Century BC, but that does not explain anything about the early Latin-Etruscan god Vediovis. Second, the coin issues of Fonteius do not actually depict a she-goat, as close inspection will confirm. In fact, all of the symbols on the reverse of the coin shown above – the she-goat, a genius or amor, twin caps of the Dioscuri, and thyrsus – have no obvious association with Vediovis or Jupiter.[24] The entire group is generally suggestive of a fertility theme. It should also be noted that the obverse and reverse images on Roman coins often reflect different gods or symbolic themes. Thus, the identification of both sides of the coin as related to Vediovis may be a false association.
The second major ancient source from which most information about Vediovis is derived is in Book V of Aulus Cornelius Gellius’ Noctes Atticae. Gellius provides an attempted etymological discussion of the god’s name and derives a much different meaning than Ovid. Because this source is so widely, and carelessly cited, it is worth reviewing at length.
In the first section, Gellius traces the origins of the name for Jupiter:
On the names of the gods of the Roman people called Diovis and Vediovis. In ancient prayers we have observed that these names of deities appear: Diovis and Vediovis; furthermore, there is also a temple of Vediovis at Rome, between the Citadel and the Capitolium. The explanation of these names I have found to be this: the ancient Latins derived Iovis from iuvare (help), and called that same god "father," thus adding a second word. For Iovispater is the full and complete form, which becomes Iupiter by the syncope or change of some of the letters. So also Neptunuspater is used as a compound, and Saturnuspater and Ianuspater and Marspater — for that is the original form of Marspiter — and Jove also was called Diespiter, that is, the father of day and of light. And therefore by a name of similar origin Jove is called Diovis and also Lucetius, because he blesses us and helps us by means of the day and the light, which are equivalent to life itself. And Lucetius is applied to Jove by Gnaeus Naevius in his poem On the Punic War. A. Cornelius Gellius, Attic Nights, Book V, 12[25]
Accordingly, when they had given the names Iovis and Diovis from iuvare (help), they applied a name of the contrary meaning to that god who had, not the power to help, but the force to do harm — for some gods they worshipped in order to gain their favour, others they propitiated in order to avert their hostility; and they called him Vediovis, thus taking away and denying his power to give help. For the particle ve which appears in different forms in different words, now being spelled with these two letters and now with an “a” inserted between the two, has two meanings which also differ from each other. For ve, like very many other particles, has the effect either of weakening or of strengthening the force of a word; and it therefore happens that some words to which that particle is prefixed are ambiguous and may be used with either force, such as vescus (small), vemens (mighty), and vegrandis (very small), a point which I have discussed elsewhere in greater detail. But vesanus and vecordes are used with only one of the meanings of ve, namely, the privative or negative force.
Gellius continues with a description of Vediovis’ statue in the Capitoline temple:
It is for this reason that the statue of the god Vediovis, which is in the temple of which I spoke above, holds arrows, which, as everyone knows, are devised to inflict harm. For that reason it has often been said that that god is Apollo; and a she-goat is sacrificed to him in the customary fashion, and a representation of that animal stands near his statue.
Ovid’s identification is the more problematic because it is based on a Greek interpretation of an authentically indigenous Italian god. There is also a curious discrepancy between Ovid’s description of the statue of Vediovis “holding no lightning bolt” and Gellius’ statement that the statue “holds arrows…devised to inflict harm.” Both are describing the statue from the temple on the Capitoline, yet obviously not the same statue.
The damaged statue uncovered during excavation of the temple does not solve the apparent contradiction. The marble statue is missing its head, right arm, left hand, and feet, so it is impossible to tell whether it originally held arrows or lightning bolts. Further, the nude figure is posed in a relaxed stance and is covered only with a cloak. This has led some modern scholars to speculate that Vediovis was a form of Apollo or even Mercury.
However, this statue was probably not the original cult statue. The archeological identification dates the statue as late Republican or Flavian era.[28] Cult statues at the time the temple was dedicated were normally made of wood, and, in fact, Pliny confirms the fact in this instance:
And have we not the statue of Vejovis, also, made of cypress, still preserved in the Capitol, where it was consecrated in the year of the City 661? Pliny, Natural History, XVI.79
The only other images are those preserved on Roman coins. Four Republican denarii depict a beardless young man in profile wearing a laurel crown, including the coin issued by M. Fonteius shown above. Two further coins, denarii issued by Lucius Caesius c.112-111 BC and by C. Licinius Macer c. 84 BC depict Vediovis wielding the thunderbolts shown only as marks below the bust on the coins of Fonteius.[30]
The most obvious conclusion from these sources is that Vediovis was recognized as a beardless young male god, distinct from the bearded Jupiter. He was armed with the thunderbolt, and this power formed some part of his cult. The question that remains then is: to what end did Vediovis wield the thunderbolt? Macrobius leaves a record of the ceremonial ritual performed by the Romans at the seige of Carthage during the Third Punic War. The Romans first performed an evocatio to persuade the gods of Carthage to leave the city and join the Roman side. After animal sacrifices confirmed that the Punic gods had left, the Romans performed the devotio, a sacred rite to appease the di inferi, or gods of the underworld, by vowing the enemy to them in place of the (Roman) commander and his troops.[31] Dis Pater, Veiovis, Manes, or whom whose name is lawful to name, may you fulfill to put to flight in panic and terror all those inhabitants of that city of Carthage and army, which I intend to designate, as well as those who oppose our legions and army with arms and spears. May you drive away that enemy army and men, cities and fields, and those who inhabit this place and regions, fields and cities. Deprive the enemy army, their cities and fields, which I intend to designate from the light of the sky. May you have those cities and fields, those heads and people of all ages devoted and consecrated, according to those principles by which and at which time the enemies are especially devoted. Them I consecrate as substitutes for myself, for my credit and magistracy, for the Roman People, for our armies and legions. May you allow my credit and authority, our legions and army that are carried on in this affair to be well safe. If you let me know, feel and understand that you will act in this way, whoever has promised to sacrifice three black ewes to you, wherever he has done so, let it be understood that he has acted within the rules. I call on you to witness, Mother Earth, and you, Iuppiter. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.9.10-12 This prayer seems to link Vediovis with the forces of the underworld or death. Dis Pater was the ruler of Hades, and the Manes were the friendly spirits of the divine dead and departed ancestors. Black sheep were the traditional sacrifice to the underworld gods. Some original aspect of the god as a link between the world of the living and the dead seems to be indicated. However, a more important meaning is shown by the names of the gods called in the prayer. Warde Fowler noted that in archaic Latin, the emphasis of the grammatical structure means that “the deity called upon in the second or third place is the one in the position of greatest importance.” In this case, Vediovis is the deity called upon to respond to the Roman appeal – the total destruction of the enemy.[32] Unlike most ancient states, the Romans did not co-exist with their enemies. Rome did not end wars with major opponents by negotiation and a division of territory; Rome destroyed its enemies. Alba Longa, Veii, Carthage, and Corinth were each devoted to the gods.[33] Vediovis’ role in the state religion can only be inferred from the form of the devotio. He is called upon as the chief deity to assist in the destruction of the enemy city and its army. Mars is the traditional god of battle, leading the legions of Rome in war. Jupiter is the god of victory in war. Is Vediovis the Destroyer, a god to rout the enemy and protect the Roman troops, as the prayer requests? Is Vediovis, then, a god of battle who wields the divine thunderbolt to kill in a righteous cause? When the original impetus for the construction of the two temples of Vediovis is recalled, both vowed in victory over the Boii, the role of the god as a patron or protector in battle is further suggested. The temple on the Tiber Island has also been cited as linking Vediovis with Jupiter. Livy, Ovid, and Vitruvius each referred to a temple of Jupiter on the Tiber Island. An inscription for a temple of Iovi iuvario - Jupiter Jurarius, the guarantor of oaths – was recovered in archeological excavation in the 19th Century. Because Livy’s comment refers specifically to the temple vowed by Furius Purpurio, some scholars have concluded the temple belonged to Jupiter, with Vediovis as an incarnation of the greater god. Ovid and Vitruvius also describe Jupiter as sharing his temple, but Ovid suggests the second god was Aesculapius (“the temples of the grandson [Aesculapius was Zeus’ grandson] and the mighty grandfather were joined”), while Vitruvius in discussing temple styles refers to one example “on the Tiber Island in the temple of Jupiter and Faunus.”[34] A temple for Jupiter on the Tiber Island does not preclude the separate existence of a temple for Vediovis, and most scholars, based on other references, conclude that Livy was mistaken in combining the two. The other ancient sources also confuse the issue. Archeological evidence may suggest yet another explanation, and possibly a solution. The base for a marble statue of Semo Sancus was found in the same area as the inscription for Jupiter Jurarius. Given that Semo Sancus was often confused by ancient authors with Jupiter (Varro calls him both Diovis and Diespiter) and that he was associated with upholding agreements, it is possible that Semo shared a temple with Jupiter Jurarius or that this unusual incarnation of Jupiter was, in fact, Semo Sancus. [35] Two other common descriptions of Vediovis can be quickly discarded. First, Vediovis is sometimes named as “a god of expiation and the protector of runaway criminals,” though for no stated reason. The source of this description can be traced to late 19th Century descriptions of the Roman gods. The may be a simple association between the Capitoline temple and the Asylum of Romulus. Considering that the temple was built centuries after the Asylum, and the latter was nothing more than a monument by that time, there is no reason to connect the god’s attributes to Romulus’ purposes. [36] Vediovis is also sometimes identified as an incarnation of Mars in his role as a protector. This seems to be a confusion over the purpose of the Agonalia. As noted above, Mars had a separate identity in both the Latin and Etruscan pantheons.[37] Vediovis’ true aspects as a god of the Religio Romana remain uncertain from the evidence. However, it seems unlikely that he was an alternate manifestation of the great god Jupiter. He was depicted as a separate entity and invoked in specific circumstances such as the devotio and the Agonalia ceremonies. Whether he was a god of war, conquest, retribution, or protection of the state remains insufficiently documented. Greek Gods Greek mythology influenced the Roman state religious from the earliest times. Even in the legendary accounts of Rome’s founding, the Ausones were said to be living on the Palatine hill. The Ausones were a people said to be Greek in origin and led by Evander, whose cult flourished on the hill into the Roman imperial era. The Etruscans, so influential to the Religio Romana, shared heroes and gods with the classical Greek pantheon, e.g., Hercules, Apollo, and Mercury. In several noted cases, the Senate, after consulting the Sibylline Books, brought Greek cults to Rome in response to various crises, including those of the Dioscuri and Aesculapius. By the late Republican period and continuing into the imperial age, a synthesis had begun to develop merging the Greek and Roman pantheons. Roman gods took on the attributes of the Greek gods, in some cases introducing new elements to the cult of the indigenous Italic god. The well-established Minerva, for example, adopted the owl and olives of Athena, as well as the Greek goddess’ martial splendor. Roman writers and historians sought explanations for other gods that conformed to the new emphasis on synchretism. However, despite much speculation, Vediovis has no obvious counterpart among the Greek gods. There are three Greek gods with whom Vediovis is most often compared, in each case with little satisfaction. In addition to the differences discussed below, it can be noted that none of the three shared festival dates with Vediovis in the Roman religious calendar, with the exception of Aesculapius. Apollo The cult of Apollo was established in Rome from an early date, possibly even before the founding of the Republic. The cult was firmly established in 433 BC, when a consultation of the Sibylline Books recommended honoring the god to avert a serious epidemic. In 431, a temple of Apollo Medicus was dedicated in the Campus Martius. Apollo was also included among the Di Consentes – the twelve great gods – in 217 BC. He was further honored by public games in 212 BC, again an act to avoid pestilence and disease. The Ludi Apollinares were so popular, they were held regularly from 208 BC onwards as a public holiday. Thus, Apollo was a god of healing and protecting deity against disease. He was also a god of prophecy and oracles; the Sibyll of Cumae was a priestess of Apollo. Patron of poetry and music, Apollo was also portrayed as the embodiment of male beauty. Some modern references list Vediovis as a god of healing and suggest that the Roman god was the counterpart of Apollo. There appears to be little evidence to support the comparison, except the writings of 19th Century classicists who adopted the synchretic tendencies of the ancients. The only ancient writer to mention a link between the two gods, Aulus Gellius (quoted above) said that it was because Vediovis’ statue held arrows in its hand. Yet, the Italic Vediovis had good reasons to be portrayed with arrows (a metaphor for lightning bolts), as one of the Novensiles.[38] There are several problems with any attempt to compare Vediovis with Apollo. First, they existed as different gods since ancient times. Among the Etruscans, Apollo was known as Apulu. Vediovis was an indigenous god; Apollo, although readily adopted, was recognized as originating from Greece. Second, the two had differing iconography. Apollo was portrayed with a staff and laurel wreath, often with a kithara or lyre. Vediovis is shown with thunderbolts. Finally, Apollo famously had a twin sister goddess, Artemis. No reference ever mentions Vediovis with a sister. In short, there is little substantive similarity at all between either cult.
Macrobius leaves a record of the ceremonial ritual performed by the Romans at the seige of Carthage during the Third Punic War. The Romans first performed an evocatio to persuade the gods of Carthage to leave the city and join the Roman side. After animal sacrifices confirmed that the Punic gods had left, the Romans performed the devotio, a sacred rite to appease the di inferi, or gods of the underworld, by vowing the enemy to them in place of the (Roman) commander and his troops.[31]
Dis Pater, Veiovis, Manes, or whom whose name is lawful to name, may you fulfill to put to flight in panic and terror all those inhabitants of that city of Carthage and army, which I intend to designate, as well as those who oppose our legions and army with arms and spears. May you drive away that enemy army and men, cities and fields, and those who inhabit this place and regions, fields and cities. Deprive the enemy army, their cities and fields, which I intend to designate from the light of the sky. May you have those cities and fields, those heads and people of all ages devoted and consecrated, according to those principles by which and at which time the enemies are especially devoted. Them I consecrate as substitutes for myself, for my credit and magistracy, for the Roman People, for our armies and legions. May you allow my credit and authority, our legions and army that are carried on in this affair to be well safe. If you let me know, feel and understand that you will act in this way, whoever has promised to sacrifice three black ewes to you, wherever he has done so, let it be understood that he has acted within the rules. I call on you to witness, Mother Earth, and you, Iuppiter. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.9.10-12
However, a more important meaning is shown by the names of the gods called in the prayer. Warde Fowler noted that in archaic Latin, the emphasis of the grammatical structure means that “the deity called upon in the second or third place is the one in the position of greatest importance.” In this case, Vediovis is the deity called upon to respond to the Roman appeal – the total destruction of the enemy.[32]
Unlike most ancient states, the Romans did not co-exist with their enemies. Rome did not end wars with major opponents by negotiation and a division of territory; Rome destroyed its enemies. Alba Longa, Veii, Carthage, and Corinth were each devoted to the gods.[33]
Vediovis’ role in the state religion can only be inferred from the form of the devotio. He is called upon as the chief deity to assist in the destruction of the enemy city and its army. Mars is the traditional god of battle, leading the legions of Rome in war. Jupiter is the god of victory in war. Is Vediovis the Destroyer, a god to rout the enemy and protect the Roman troops, as the prayer requests?
Is Vediovis, then, a god of battle who wields the divine thunderbolt to kill in a righteous cause? When the original impetus for the construction of the two temples of Vediovis is recalled, both vowed in victory over the Boii, the role of the god as a patron or protector in battle is further suggested.
The temple on the Tiber Island has also been cited as linking Vediovis with Jupiter. Livy, Ovid, and Vitruvius each referred to a temple of Jupiter on the Tiber Island. An inscription for a temple of Iovi iuvario - Jupiter Jurarius, the guarantor of oaths – was recovered in archeological excavation in the 19th Century. Because Livy’s comment refers specifically to the temple vowed by Furius Purpurio, some scholars have concluded the temple belonged to Jupiter, with Vediovis as an incarnation of the greater god. Ovid and Vitruvius also describe Jupiter as sharing his temple, but Ovid suggests the second god was Aesculapius (“the temples of the grandson [Aesculapius was Zeus’ grandson] and the mighty grandfather were joined”), while Vitruvius in discussing temple styles refers to one example “on the Tiber Island in the temple of Jupiter and Faunus.”[34]
A temple for Jupiter on the Tiber Island does not preclude the separate existence of a temple for Vediovis, and most scholars, based on other references, conclude that Livy was mistaken in combining the two. The other ancient sources also confuse the issue. Archeological evidence may suggest yet another explanation, and possibly a solution. The base for a marble statue of Semo Sancus was found in the same area as the inscription for Jupiter Jurarius. Given that Semo Sancus was often confused by ancient authors with Jupiter (Varro calls him both Diovis and Diespiter) and that he was associated with upholding agreements, it is possible that Semo shared a temple with Jupiter Jurarius or that this unusual incarnation of Jupiter was, in fact, Semo Sancus. [35]
Two other common descriptions of Vediovis can be quickly discarded. First, Vediovis is sometimes named as “a god of expiation and the protector of runaway criminals,” though for no stated reason. The source of this description can be traced to late 19th Century descriptions of the Roman gods. The may be a simple association between the Capitoline temple and the Asylum of Romulus. Considering that the temple was built centuries after the Asylum, and the latter was nothing more than a monument by that time, there is no reason to connect the god’s attributes to Romulus’ purposes. [36]
Vediovis is also sometimes identified as an incarnation of Mars in his role as a protector. This seems to be a confusion over the purpose of the Agonalia. As noted above, Mars had a separate identity in both the Latin and Etruscan pantheons.[37]
Vediovis’ true aspects as a god of the Religio Romana remain uncertain from the evidence. However, it seems unlikely that he was an alternate manifestation of the great god Jupiter. He was depicted as a separate entity and invoked in specific circumstances such as the devotio and the Agonalia ceremonies. Whether he was a god of war, conquest, retribution, or protection of the state remains insufficiently documented.
Greek Gods
Greek mythology influenced the Roman state religious from the earliest times. Even in the legendary accounts of Rome’s founding, the Ausones were said to be living on the Palatine hill. The Ausones were a people said to be Greek in origin and led by Evander, whose cult flourished on the hill into the Roman imperial era. The Etruscans, so influential to the Religio Romana, shared heroes and gods with the classical Greek pantheon, e.g., Hercules, Apollo, and Mercury. In several noted cases, the Senate, after consulting the Sibylline Books, brought Greek cults to Rome in response to various crises, including those of the Dioscuri and Aesculapius.
By the late Republican period and continuing into the imperial age, a synthesis had begun to develop merging the Greek and Roman pantheons. Roman gods took on the attributes of the Greek gods, in some cases introducing new elements to the cult of the indigenous Italic god. The well-established Minerva, for example, adopted the owl and olives of Athena, as well as the Greek goddess’ martial splendor. Roman writers and historians sought explanations for other gods that conformed to the new emphasis on synchretism. However, despite much speculation, Vediovis has no obvious counterpart among the Greek gods. There are three Greek gods with whom Vediovis is most often compared, in each case with little satisfaction. In addition to the differences discussed below, it can be noted that none of the three shared festival dates with Vediovis in the Roman religious calendar, with the exception of Aesculapius.
Apollo
The cult of Apollo was established in Rome from an early date, possibly even before the founding of the Republic. The cult was firmly established in 433 BC, when a consultation of the Sibylline Books recommended honoring the god to avert a serious epidemic. In 431, a temple of Apollo Medicus was dedicated in the Campus Martius. Apollo was also included among the Di Consentes – the twelve great gods – in 217 BC. He was further honored by public games in 212 BC, again an act to avoid pestilence and disease. The Ludi Apollinares were so popular, they were held regularly from 208 BC onwards as a public holiday.
Thus, Apollo was a god of healing and protecting deity against disease. He was also a god of prophecy and oracles; the Sibyll of Cumae was a priestess of Apollo. Patron of poetry and music, Apollo was also portrayed as the embodiment of male beauty.
Some modern references list Vediovis as a god of healing and suggest that the Roman god was the counterpart of Apollo. There appears to be little evidence to support the comparison, except the writings of 19th Century classicists who adopted the synchretic tendencies of the ancients. The only ancient writer to mention a link between the two gods, Aulus Gellius (quoted above) said that it was because Vediovis’ statue held arrows in its hand. Yet, the Italic Vediovis had good reasons to be portrayed with arrows (a metaphor for lightning bolts), as one of the Novensiles.[38]
There are several problems with any attempt to compare Vediovis with Apollo. First, they existed as different gods since ancient times. Among the Etruscans, Apollo was known as Apulu. Vediovis was an indigenous god; Apollo, although readily adopted, was recognized as originating from Greece. Second, the two had differing iconography. Apollo was portrayed with a staff and laurel wreath, often with a kithara or lyre. Vediovis is shown with thunderbolts. Finally, Apollo famously had a twin sister goddess, Artemis. No reference ever mentions Vediovis with a sister. In short, there is little substantive similarity at all between either cult.
Aesculapius As noted, Vediovis is often referred to as a god of healing, but some sources emphasize an association with Aesculapius, instead of Apollo. This appears to be based on the proximity of the temples of Aesculapius and Vediovis on the Tiber Island and the coincidence of the temples’ dates of dedication on January 1.[39] There is, however, no real connection between the two. First, the temples were dedicated years apart. The cult of Aesculapius was introduced from Epidauros in 291 BC by official invitation of the Senate; the temple of Vediovis on the Tiber Island was dedicated in 194 BC. The second temple for Vediovis was dedicated inside the pomerium, indicating that he was regarded as an indigenous god, whereas Aesculapius specifically was not. Second, no ancient source mentions Vediovis as a god of healing. Third, Aesculapius is usually depicted with a beard, clothed in a himation, and holding his distinctive rod of Aesculapius (a single snake curling around a staff). It would seem difficult to confuse the image Aesculapius with that of Vediovis. Finally, even if there had been a late Roman syncretism linking the Tiber cults, the description does not explain the early worship of Vediovis, or his place in the Agonalia celebrations. Mercury The third Greek god to whom Vediovis has been compared is Mercury, the Roman counterpart of Hermes. Like Apollo, he was part of the Etruscan group of gods and heroes. To the Etruscans he was known as Turms, a messenger of the gods and a guide for the souls of the dead to the underworld. Mercury was accepted into the Roman state religion at an early period; a temple on the Aventine Hill was dedicated to the god in 495 BC. To the Romans, Mercury was the god of trade and commerce par excellence, and his cult was favored especially by plebeian mercatores. Mercury-Hermes guarded the crossroads and protected travelers. His staff also had healing powers, associating the god with the medical arts. The idea that Vediovis is related to Mercury is mainly based on a set of circumstancial associations. First, the cloak on the Capitoline statue of Vediovis is thought to suggest a god who was “patron of wayfarers” and the prefix ve- is reinterpreted as related to veho or via. Second, the location of the temple on the Tiber Island is proposed as being placed near the ancient salt route of the Via Salaria. Thus, it is supposed that Vediovis was a god of commerce and roadways, and, therefore, is linked to Mercury.[40] At this point, we might note the significant problems in accepting a link between the two cults. Vediovis and Mercury clearly existed as separate gods since the founding of Rome itself. Vediovis was probably Latin in origin; Mercury was known by the Romans to be a Greek god. No ancient source ever mentions Vediovis in even a remote connection to commerce. In fact, they suggest Vediovis as either a sky-god or a god of protection or conquest in war. Both temples for Vediovis at Rome were, in fact, dedicated as vows made for victory in battle. Lastly, although the Tiber Island is near the major salt route, the Via Salaria actually crossed the Tiber at the Pons Sublicius. The Tiber Island was most associated with the grain trade and milling.[41] Among the gods, Mercury has an unusually distinct set of symbolic attributes. He can easily be distinguished by his winged cap, winged sandals (talaria), his staff (the caduceus with two snakes), and occasionally a coin pouch in his hand.
As noted, Vediovis is often referred to as a god of healing, but some sources emphasize an association with Aesculapius, instead of Apollo. This appears to be based on the proximity of the temples of Aesculapius and Vediovis on the Tiber Island and the coincidence of the temples’ dates of dedication on January 1.[39]
There is, however, no real connection between the two. First, the temples were dedicated years apart. The cult of Aesculapius was introduced from Epidauros in 291 BC by official invitation of the Senate; the temple of Vediovis on the Tiber Island was dedicated in 194 BC. The second temple for Vediovis was dedicated inside the pomerium, indicating that he was regarded as an indigenous god, whereas Aesculapius specifically was not. Second, no ancient source mentions Vediovis as a god of healing. Third, Aesculapius is usually depicted with a beard, clothed in a himation, and holding his distinctive rod of Aesculapius (a single snake curling around a staff). It would seem difficult to confuse the image Aesculapius with that of Vediovis. Finally, even if there had been a late Roman syncretism linking the Tiber cults, the description does not explain the early worship of Vediovis, or his place in the Agonalia celebrations.
Mercury
The third Greek god to whom Vediovis has been compared is Mercury, the Roman counterpart of Hermes. Like Apollo, he was part of the Etruscan group of gods and heroes. To the Etruscans he was known as Turms, a messenger of the gods and a guide for the souls of the dead to the underworld.
Mercury was accepted into the Roman state religion at an early period; a temple on the Aventine Hill was dedicated to the god in 495 BC. To the Romans, Mercury was the god of trade and commerce par excellence, and his cult was favored especially by plebeian mercatores. Mercury-Hermes guarded the crossroads and protected travelers. His staff also had healing powers, associating the god with the medical arts.
The idea that Vediovis is related to Mercury is mainly based on a set of circumstancial associations. First, the cloak on the Capitoline statue of Vediovis is thought to suggest a god who was “patron of wayfarers” and the prefix ve- is reinterpreted as related to veho or via. Second, the location of the temple on the Tiber Island is proposed as being placed near the ancient salt route of the Via Salaria. Thus, it is supposed that Vediovis was a god of commerce and roadways, and, therefore, is linked to Mercury.[40]
At this point, we might note the significant problems in accepting a link between the two cults. Vediovis and Mercury clearly existed as separate gods since the founding of Rome itself. Vediovis was probably Latin in origin; Mercury was known by the Romans to be a Greek god. No ancient source ever mentions Vediovis in even a remote connection to commerce. In fact, they suggest Vediovis as either a sky-god or a god of protection or conquest in war. Both temples for Vediovis at Rome were, in fact, dedicated as vows made for victory in battle. Lastly, although the Tiber Island is near the major salt route, the Via Salaria actually crossed the Tiber at the Pons Sublicius. The Tiber Island was most associated with the grain trade and milling.[41]
Among the gods, Mercury has an unusually distinct set of symbolic attributes. He can easily be distinguished by his winged cap, winged sandals (talaria), his staff (the caduceus with two snakes), and occasionally a coin pouch in his hand.
Neither Ovid nor Gellius mention any of these obvious symbols of Mercury in their descriptions of the god and the cult statue on the Capitol. It is also possible to make too much of superficial resemblances between statues without taking into account the symbolic elements that were used to specifically identify the gods. The Belvedere Hermes and the Capitoline statue of Vediovis do bear a striking resemblance. But even the same god can have quite different appearances in classical statuary. Compare, for example, statues identified as Hermes in the Austrian Parliament building and the British Museum. Conclusions Despite numerous sources of information, the evidence about Vediovis remains fragmentary. Ancient writers were themselves confused about this god; their explanations are often contradictory. In the case of Vediovis, one is confronted with a Rashomon effect; each of the eyewitnesses saw something different. One might even cast doubt on the witnesses’ motives. Ovid, for example, may too readily have elaborated the tale of a young Jupiter to conform to the expectations of the Augustan regime. The two most detailed accounts from ancient sources, those of Livy and Ovid, differ even on the description of the cult statue in the Capitoline temple. One might wonder whether either author visited the temple himself or based a description on a memory or the word of a scribe. The surviving physical evidence of statues and coins provide visual clues about the god’s aspects, but may also be misleading for what they do not show. Modern historians and archeologists provide interpretations of the religious beliefs and gods of the Romans, Etruscans, and other Italian tribes, but in many cases these interpretations are no more than informed speculation, often contradict each other, and have changed over the years. One thing is clear for the sake of consistency. Vediovis cannot be both a young Jupiter and Mercury or Dis Pater at the same time. He cannot be both an anti-Jupiter and Apollo or Aesculapius at the same time. For that matter, he cannot be both versions of Jupiter simultaneously either. So, who was Vediovis? After reviewing the available facts, the following conclusions appear to be the most likely biography of the god: Vediovis was an ancient god of the Latins, whose cult was probably brought to Rome from Alba Longa. The early Roman cult of Vediovis incorporated aspects of the Etruscan god Veive to create a synthesis. Vediovis had some ancient, unknown, association with Janus and Mars as protectors of the Roman state. He was a wielder of the thunderbolt, possibly as divine punishment. He was associated with conquest in war, possibly with some role related to the underworld. Vediovis was probably not an incarnation of Jupiter. The original Roman cult was most certainly not associated with any of the Greek gods. The cult of Vediovis is not known to have existed outside Rome and possibly Bovillae. Vediovis had some symbolic resonance that encouraged the use of his image on coins and his identity in the self-mythology of the gens Julii up to the age of Augustus.
Conclusions
Despite numerous sources of information, the evidence about Vediovis remains fragmentary. Ancient writers were themselves confused about this god; their explanations are often contradictory. In the case of Vediovis, one is confronted with a Rashomon effect; each of the eyewitnesses saw something different. One might even cast doubt on the witnesses’ motives. Ovid, for example, may too readily have elaborated the tale of a young Jupiter to conform to the expectations of the Augustan regime. The two most detailed accounts from ancient sources, those of Livy and Ovid, differ even on the description of the cult statue in the Capitoline temple. One might wonder whether either author visited the temple himself or based a description on a memory or the word of a scribe.
The surviving physical evidence of statues and coins provide visual clues about the god’s aspects, but may also be misleading for what they do not show. Modern historians and archeologists provide interpretations of the religious beliefs and gods of the Romans, Etruscans, and other Italian tribes, but in many cases these interpretations are no more than informed speculation, often contradict each other, and have changed over the years.
One thing is clear for the sake of consistency. Vediovis cannot be both a young Jupiter and Mercury or Dis Pater at the same time. He cannot be both an anti-Jupiter and Apollo or Aesculapius at the same time. For that matter, he cannot be both versions of Jupiter simultaneously either.
So, who was Vediovis? After reviewing the available facts, the following conclusions appear to be the most likely biography of the god:
Notes: [1] There are some problems in the ancient sources linking the Tiber Island temple to Vediovis, though this is considered the most likely association by most modern scholars. See discussions in Resurveying the Religious Topography of the Tiber Island, William Nolan Bruce, graduate thesis presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida (2004), pp. 88-95, and Eric M. Orlin, Temples, Religion, and Politics in the Roman Republic, Boston: Brill Academic Publishers (2002), pp. 184-185. On the presence of an earlier temple, see Jane F. Gardner, Roman Myths, Austin: University of Texas Press (1993), p. 63. [2] A. Cornelius Gellius, Noctes Atticae, Book V.12. Van L. Johnson, Natalis urbis and Principium anni, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, Vol. 91, 1960, pp. 109-120, states: “A most valuable creature, a capra or she- goat, the mother of twins, was sacrificed to Vediovis or Jupiter the Starter of the year.” [3] Denarius issued c. 97 BC by L. Pomponius Molo; obverse believed to be Apollo. The gens Pompinii claimed descent from Numa. [4] The rex sacrificulus is also known as the rex sacrorum. Hartung’s observation is quoted in the Agonalia entry in A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, William Smith, London: John Murray (1875), available online at the Lacus Curtius website of Bill Thayer. [5] William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, p. 121. On the Augustan use of mythology, see Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press (1960), pp. 68n, 454. The Bovillae inscription is noted in both the following sources: Henry H. Howorth, The Rise of Gaius Julius Caesar, with an Account of His Early Friends, Enemies, and Rivals: Part I, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd Ser., Vol. 1, 1907, pp. 33-97, and A. L. Frothingham, Vediovis, the Volcanic God: A Reconstruction, The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 38, No. 4 (1917), pp. 370-391. [6] Warde Fowler’s conclusion on the Latin origin of the cult, ibid., p. 122. The transfer of Alban cults to Bovillae is noted by Michael Grant, A Guide to the Ancient World, p. 20. [7] Grant, ibid., pp. 20-21. [8] [9] [10] [11] Manuela Simeoni, Polytheistic Religions in Pre-Roman Italy. [12] [13] George Dennis, The Cities and Cemetaries of Etruria, John Murray, London, 1848, lists the Novensiles. Veive is also named in Etruscan liturgical artifacts, such as the Liber Linteus. [14] Note on the Roman gods wielding lightning at Religio Romana. [15] References for this discussion of Veive, Maris, and Laran: Mysterious Etruscans, Etruscan Mythology entry at Wikipedia, Timeless Myths, and Routledge Dictionary of Gods and Goddesses. [16] A. Cornelius Gellius, Noctes Atticae, Book V.12. [17] [18] [19] [20] Gardner, p. 63. [21] Two sources for the Fasti online are Theoi E-Texts Library and the Poetry in Translation website. [22] The coin identification in Roman Silver Coins, Volume 1, by H. A. Seaby, revised by David R. Sear and Robert Loosley, repeats Ovid’s description of a young Jupiter. Noted at Beast Coins website. [23] Citation of Verrius Flaccus at Citizendium. [24] Coins shown at Beast Coins. [25] The full text in translation is available at Noctes Atticae. [26] Thayer’s note on this point states: “Gellius is wrong in supposing that ve- strengthened the force of a word; it means ‘without, apart from.’ Nonius cites Lucilius for vegrandis in the sense of ‘very great,’ but wrongly. Vescus means ‘small,’ or, in an active sense, ‘make small’; Walde derives it from vescor in the sense of ‘eating away, corroding’.” On the etymological credibility of ancient authors, see Bruce’s thesis, p. 91. On Cicero’s comment, ibid., p. 94n. [27] Thayer, note 42. [28] Exhibit note, Capitoline Museum, Rome. [29] In fact, given the amount of Greek art brought to Rome as spoils and lodged in the temples, it is easy to imagine that the recovered statue is a looted work of art or a copy of a sculpture by one of the Greek masters. In fact, the torso of the Vediovis temple statue bears a remarkable resemblance to the Belvedere Hermes in the Vatican’s Pio-Clementino Museum and to the Belvedere Apollo as well. The Hermes is now attributed as a copy of a 4th Century BC Greek original made during the reign of Hadrian. One can speculate that the Vediovis statue is an imperial-era cult statue modeled on the Greek sculpture style or that the statue is that of one of the Greek gods placed in the temple. The Hermes itself was thought to be Antinous for most of the time since it was found in the Middle Ages. [30] T. J. Luce, Political Propaganda on Roman Republican Coins: Circa 92-82 B. C., American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 72, No. 1 (Jan., 1968), pp. 25-39. [31] See discussion of this rite in Thomas W. Africa, The Immense Majesty: A History of Rome and the Roman Empire, Arlington Heights, Illinois: AHM Publishing Corporation (1974), p. 88-89 and at the Nova Roma website. [32] William Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People From the Earliest Times to the Age of Augustus, available online at Annourbis.com. [33] Africa, p. 89 on other cities. See discussion on the Roman attitude to war in Adrian Goldsworthy, The Punic Wars, London: Cassell & Co. (2000), pp. 91-92 & 365-368. [34] See Bruce for the temple inscription, p. 65; references in Livy, Ovid, and Vitruvius, pp. 88-90. [35] On the cluster of temples, see Bruce pp. 83-99, and also Archaeological Discussions in the American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 3, No. 2/3 (Mar. - Jun., 1899), pp. 278-327+329-330 and Vol. 7, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1903), pp. 229-262. [36] The quotation is from Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, (1898). Ancient sources differ on whether Romulus invited criminals to the Asylum. Linking the temple of Vediovis to a particular account of Romulus’ intentions is highly questionable. [37] This (mis)-identification is made at Gens Temple and Detective and the Toga list of Ancient Roman Holidays & Festivals: “The Agonalia of May was dedicated to Vediovis, a personification of Mars as a protector.” [38] Information on Apollo’s cult at Rome is based on the article at Religio Romana. The Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898) includes the healing aspect as part of its grab-bag entry on Vediovis. Syme describes the attempt to create a mythical family tree for Augustus linking Vediovis to Apollo, the princeps’ self-chosen patron deity. Syme notes the explanation was unsatisfactory, even in Roman times. [39] A typical attribution is this from : “Veiovis (Vediovis) is one of the oldest of the Roman gods. He is a god of healing, and was later associated with the Greek Asclepius. In spring, goats were sacrificed to avert plagues.” Pantheon.org. See also Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, (1898). [40] Description of Mercury based on the article at Penumbra. Information on the Etruscan portrayal of Mercury and Apollo is based on notes at Timeless Myths. Bruce, pp. 90-91, notes the Vediovis-Mercury hypothesis advanced by Louise Holland, Janus and the Bridge, Rome: American Academy (1961). [41] Bruce, pp. 86-87.
[1] There are some problems in the ancient sources linking the Tiber Island temple to Vediovis, though this is considered the most likely association by most modern scholars. See discussions in Resurveying the Religious Topography of the Tiber Island, William Nolan Bruce, graduate thesis presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida (2004), pp. 88-95, and Eric M. Orlin, Temples, Religion, and Politics in the Roman Republic, Boston: Brill Academic Publishers (2002), pp. 184-185. On the presence of an earlier temple, see Jane F. Gardner, Roman Myths, Austin: University of Texas Press (1993), p. 63. [2] A. Cornelius Gellius, Noctes Atticae, Book V.12. Van L. Johnson, Natalis urbis and Principium anni, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, Vol. 91, 1960, pp. 109-120, states: “A most valuable creature, a capra or she- goat, the mother of twins, was sacrificed to Vediovis or Jupiter the Starter of the year.” [3] Denarius issued c. 97 BC by L. Pomponius Molo; obverse believed to be Apollo. The gens Pompinii claimed descent from Numa. [4] The rex sacrificulus is also known as the rex sacrorum. Hartung’s observation is quoted in the Agonalia entry in A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, William Smith, London: John Murray (1875), available online at the Lacus Curtius website of Bill Thayer. [5] William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, p. 121. On the Augustan use of mythology, see Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press (1960), pp. 68n, 454. The Bovillae inscription is noted in both the following sources: Henry H. Howorth, The Rise of Gaius Julius Caesar, with an Account of His Early Friends, Enemies, and Rivals: Part I, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd Ser., Vol. 1, 1907, pp. 33-97, and A. L. Frothingham, Vediovis, the Volcanic God: A Reconstruction, The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 38, No. 4 (1917), pp. 370-391. [6] Warde Fowler’s conclusion on the Latin origin of the cult, ibid., p. 122. The transfer of Alban cults to Bovillae is noted by Michael Grant, A Guide to the Ancient World, p. 20. [7] Grant, ibid., pp. 20-21. [8] [9] [10] [11] Manuela Simeoni, Polytheistic Religions in Pre-Roman Italy. [12] [13] George Dennis, The Cities and Cemetaries of Etruria, John Murray, London, 1848, lists the Novensiles. Veive is also named in Etruscan liturgical artifacts, such as the Liber Linteus. [14] Note on the Roman gods wielding lightning at Religio Romana. [15] References for this discussion of Veive, Maris, and Laran: Mysterious Etruscans, Etruscan Mythology entry at Wikipedia, Timeless Myths, and Routledge Dictionary of Gods and Goddesses. [16] A. Cornelius Gellius, Noctes Atticae, Book V.12. [17] [18] [19] [20] Gardner, p. 63. [21] Two sources for the Fasti online are Theoi E-Texts Library and the Poetry in Translation website. [22] The coin identification in Roman Silver Coins, Volume 1, by H. A. Seaby, revised by David R. Sear and Robert Loosley, repeats Ovid’s description of a young Jupiter. Noted at Beast Coins website. [23] Citation of Verrius Flaccus at Citizendium. [24] Coins shown at Beast Coins. [25] The full text in translation is available at Noctes Atticae. [26] Thayer’s note on this point states: “Gellius is wrong in supposing that ve- strengthened the force of a word; it means ‘without, apart from.’ Nonius cites Lucilius for vegrandis in the sense of ‘very great,’ but wrongly. Vescus means ‘small,’ or, in an active sense, ‘make small’; Walde derives it from vescor in the sense of ‘eating away, corroding’.” On the etymological credibility of ancient authors, see Bruce’s thesis, p. 91. On Cicero’s comment, ibid., p. 94n. [27] Thayer, note 42. [28] Exhibit note, Capitoline Museum, Rome. [29] In fact, given the amount of Greek art brought to Rome as spoils and lodged in the temples, it is easy to imagine that the recovered statue is a looted work of art or a copy of a sculpture by one of the Greek masters. In fact, the torso of the Vediovis temple statue bears a remarkable resemblance to the Belvedere Hermes in the Vatican’s Pio-Clementino Museum and to the Belvedere Apollo as well. The Hermes is now attributed as a copy of a 4th Century BC Greek original made during the reign of Hadrian. One can speculate that the Vediovis statue is an imperial-era cult statue modeled on the Greek sculpture style or that the statue is that of one of the Greek gods placed in the temple. The Hermes itself was thought to be Antinous for most of the time since it was found in the Middle Ages. [30] T. J. Luce, Political Propaganda on Roman Republican Coins: Circa 92-82 B. C., American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 72, No. 1 (Jan., 1968), pp. 25-39. [31] See discussion of this rite in Thomas W. Africa, The Immense Majesty: A History of Rome and the Roman Empire, Arlington Heights, Illinois: AHM Publishing Corporation (1974), p. 88-89 and at the Nova Roma website. [32] William Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People From the Earliest Times to the Age of Augustus, available online at Annourbis.com. [33] Africa, p. 89 on other cities. See discussion on the Roman attitude to war in Adrian Goldsworthy, The Punic Wars, London: Cassell & Co. (2000), pp. 91-92 & 365-368. [34] See Bruce for the temple inscription, p. 65; references in Livy, Ovid, and Vitruvius, pp. 88-90. [35] On the cluster of temples, see Bruce pp. 83-99, and also Archaeological Discussions in the American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 3, No. 2/3 (Mar. - Jun., 1899), pp. 278-327+329-330 and Vol. 7, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1903), pp. 229-262. [36] The quotation is from Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, (1898). Ancient sources differ on whether Romulus invited criminals to the Asylum. Linking the temple of Vediovis to a particular account of Romulus’ intentions is highly questionable. [37] This (mis)-identification is made at Gens Temple and Detective and the Toga list of Ancient Roman Holidays & Festivals: “The Agonalia of May was dedicated to Vediovis, a personification of Mars as a protector.” [38] Information on Apollo’s cult at Rome is based on the article at Religio Romana. The Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898) includes the healing aspect as part of its grab-bag entry on Vediovis. Syme describes the attempt to create a mythical family tree for Augustus linking Vediovis to Apollo, the princeps’ self-chosen patron deity. Syme notes the explanation was unsatisfactory, even in Roman times. [39] A typical attribution is this from : “Veiovis (Vediovis) is one of the oldest of the Roman gods. He is a god of healing, and was later associated with the Greek Asclepius. In spring, goats were sacrificed to avert plagues.” Pantheon.org. See also Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, (1898). [40] Description of Mercury based on the article at Penumbra. Information on the Etruscan portrayal of Mercury and Apollo is based on notes at Timeless Myths. Bruce, pp. 90-91, notes the Vediovis-Mercury hypothesis advanced by Louise Holland, Janus and the Bridge, Rome: American Academy (1961). [41] Bruce, pp. 86-87.
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Image Sources: Line drawing of Temple of Vediovis from Capitoline Museum, Comune di Roma. Coin showing Numa Pompilius sacrificing a goat from the VRoma Project, McManus images; in the collection of the Pergamon Museum, Berlin. Wall fresco of Mars in the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii; image from the VRoma Project. Statue of Mars from the Forum Transitorium; image from the VRoma Project. Denarius of M. Fonteius depicting Vediovis (obverse) and genius on goat (reverse) from Beast Coins. Statue from the temple of Vediovis from the Capitoline Museum, Comune di Roma. Photo of the Belvedere Apollo from Wikipedia Commons media files. Photo of the Belvedere Hermes from Mary Sullivan images. Copy of a denarius issued by C Licinius Macer showing Vediovis hurling thunderbolt from Cast Fakes. Denarius issued by L. Caesius showing Vediovis with thunderbolt from Lamoneta.it.
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Featured November 30 , 2007
